The Importance of being Anton Balasingham
August 25th, 2002
‘Pokkuvarathup Pirachinai’
“Have you been out? No.
And don’t want to perhaps?
If I could only come back again, I should.”
– Edward Thomas (As the team’s head – Brass).
By D. B. S. Jeyaraj
Norwegian officials involved in facilitating the fledgling peace process in Sri Lanka are currently grappling with a problem that seems quite simple at a superficial level.
The issue at hand is the ‘Pokkuvarathup Pirachinai’ or transport problem faced by Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) Political Advisor and Chief Negotiator Anton Balasingham. The senior Tiger leader based in London along with his Australian wife Adele Anne has to reach the northern mainland of the Wanni in the first week of September to meet LTTE supremo Velupillai Prabhakaran for consultations. Thereafter, he is scheduled to lead the LTTE delegation for the preliminary round of direct talks with the Sri Lankan government in Thailand. How this is going to be worked out is the problem.
Those not so familiar with the intricacies of the Sri Lankan peace process may feel that the transport problem faced by one man and his wife has no bearing on the larger issues involved. Besides, a question may arise as to whether a problem exists in the first place. Given the ultra-modern transport facilities available and the prevailing peaceful atmosphere, the comings and goings of the Balasinghams need not be a problem at all.
The reality however, is that Balasingham’s presence and active involvement is crucially necessary for the ongoing peace process to progress smoothly. It is widely acknowledged nationally and internationally that he has been the driving force behind the peace process from the LTTE side.
As mentioned in these columns earlier, the saying about no man being indispensable is not applicable in the case of Balasingham’s role in the peace process. The Norwegians and the government know this and hence the extraordinary attention and concern being shown on this account.
Complexities
Unfortunately for the peace effort, there are complicating factors such as health, security, proximity, the availability or non-availability of proper facilities and also questions of trust and political compulsions.
It is well known that Balasingham is a sick man. He left the Wanni amid much hardship in 1999 to obtain advanced medical treatment. It would be no exaggeration to say that had he not left the island and reached the west to get a kidney transplant, Balasingham would not be among the living now. His continuous stay in London has enabled him to get proper health care on an ongoing basis. Therefore, he needs to stay in London unless he can get proper medical care in Sri Lanka. Thus, he cannot return home on a permanent basis for now.
The LTTE controlled regions do not have the medical facilities available thanks to the war and systematic deprivation policies practised by successive Colombo governments. So, he cannot stay there for long. Staying in Colombo is not an option for the LTTE at this point of time. Without any settlement being reached, the Tigers do not want to use Colombo facilities for a high profile leader. Also, there is concern that if Balasingham stays in Colombo then a strong case could be made for talks to take place in Colombo too. This means the rest of the LTTE delegation too must come to Colombo. This is not something very desirable from an LTTE perspective. A paramount consideration is the security of the LTTE members.
On the other hand, Balasingham also needs to meet and discuss matters with his leader Prabhakaran on a face-to-face level. He has also to brief him of each and every stage of the talks. So, Balasingham has to shuttle back and forth to the Wanni. With the government, LTTE and Norway deciding upon Thailand as venue for the talks, this shuttling will become three-way for Balasingham and two-way for the LTTE delegation.
India ideal
It was this problem that compelled Balasingham to seek Indian good offices for the talks. He wanted to reside in the Tamil Nadu capital Chennai for the duration of the talks. Chennai has the medical facilities required by Balasingham. The LTTE also wanted the talks to be held in a South Indian city like Chennai, Thiruvananthapuram or Bangalore to facilitate the logistics of transporting LTTE delegates from the Wanni. India has neither consented nor rejected these requests officially so far. Sections of the media, several political parties and more importantly the Tamil Nadu government headed by Chief Minister Jayalalitha Jayaram vehemently opposed the LTTE request.
It was against this backdrop that Norway devised a novel way of travel for Balasingham to reach the Wanni in March this year. The Balasinghams arrived in the Maldives and after a respite, boarded a sea plane along with Norwegian diplomat Tomas Strangland. The plane piloted by two Canadian nationals made an unprecedented landing at the Iranaimadhu Irrigation Tank in Kilinochchi on March 25.
After a month long stay, the Balasinghams returned to Britain the same way. They boarded a sea plane at Iranaimadhu, reached Maldives and then flew back to London.
The fact that Balasingham is a key player in the peace search was demonstrated by his earlier stay in the Wanni. Several important meetings were held with the Norwegians and political groupings like the Tamil National Alliance, Sri Lanka Muslim Congress, Ceylon Workers Congress and the Up Country Peoples Front. A notable feature was LTTE leader Prabhakaran’s active participation in these. There was also the widely attended press conference by the LTTE leader who was meeting members of the fourth estate after 12 years. Balasingham presided and interpreted. He amplified and clarified many questions and answers. He even ventured to answer some questions directly claiming to “speak in one voice with Prabhakaran.”
It is interesting to note that after Balasingham returned to Britain, Prabhakaran has ‘retreated’ into a shell once again. While security considerations may have had something to do with this, anyone who saw the press conference telecast can only feel that the absence of Balasingham in the Wanni may be an important if not the sole cause for this too. With ‘Bala Annai’ at his side ‘Thamby Prabha’ may play a more visible and overt role in the search for peace which would definitely be a boost for the process.
On another level, the process slowed down considerably when Balasingham’s health got affected in Britain due to a urinary infection. Again, after his recovery, the process accelerated again culminating in dates for direct talks being fixed. All these illustrate the importance of being Anton Balasingham.
What has complicated the issue now is that the route via Maldives option has run into difficulties. The snags began in April itself. The sea plane that dropped off the Balasinghams in Iranaimadhu flew over Thalaimannar initially. The return to Maldives too was planned the same way and the plane flew from Maldives for the pick up in that mode. The Canadian nationals who piloted the sea plane detected an extraordinary amount of movements by the Sri Lanka Navy off Thalaimannar. This created suspicion. So the pilots after consulting the Norwegian officials changed the return route. Instead of flying over the north-western coast to the sea, the plane went over the north-eastern coast.
This route was much longer. Yet, in the interests of Balasingham’s security, the change was made. This extra vigilance was necessitated not because of mistrust towards the Wickremesinghe government, but, because the Sri Lanka Navy under Daya Sandagiri was enjoying a great deal of ‘independence’ in taking certain types of action. The navy has been charged by the LTTE of deliberate attempts to sabotage the ceasefire. So, it was decided that no risk should be incurred by flying back over Thalaimannar.
Conspiracy theory
The sea plane flew over Trincomalee but was careful to keep within Sri Lankan air space. It was around this time that senior LTTE leaders were returning by boat to the east from the north. An act of omission by the SLMM resulted in a ‘stand off at sea’ between the navy and LTTE. Thereafter, a massive hue and cry was made of Balasingham’s sea plane swooping low over the position where the stand off was happening. The campaign was orchestrated to project an impression that Balasingham had some ulterior motive in changing the route and getting the plane to dip. It was as if a conspiracy was afoot to drop a bomb from the sea plane on the naval gun boat.
The truth was starkly different. Left unsaid in the deliberate campaign was the fact that a Norwegian Foreign Ministry official Kjirste Tromsdal was also traveling on the plane. If that fact was highlighted, then the ‘suspicion’ about the plane’s movement would have been negated. Besides, it is now known that instead of plotting some evil conspiracy on the plane, Balasingham was undergoing nausea and dizziness on the flight. Since the new route was much longer, the pilots had improvised by tearing a few seats apart and stocking that space with fuel. The fumes and cramped space had affected the sick, senior Tiger leader. Later, the Norwegians issued a statement clarifying the situation. True to form, none of those who accused Balasingham of diabolical design rectified the earlier accusations.
This incident cast a shadow on the Maldivian route being utilised again. Other developments complicated the matter further. The Maldivians had been worried earlier as they feared any untoward incident concerning Balasingham in their country could have a negative impact and consequences. Also, Maldivian officials were concerned that tourism could be affected if it was known that a representative of an organisation banned as ‘terrorist’ by western countries like Britain and USA was given special treatment in the Maldives.
Maldivian concerns were further exacerbated by Indian political maverick, Leader, Janata Dal Party and former Law Minister, Dr. Subramanian Swamy. Citing the 1988 event of an abortive attempt by the Sri Lankan Tamil People’s Liberation Organisation of Tamil Eelam (PLOTE) to overthrow the Maldivian government through force, Swamy reminded President Maemoon Abdul Gayoom that it was the Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi who sent troops instantly and ‘saved’ him. Swamy had queried from Gayoom as to how he could allow one of ‘Rajiv’s killers’ to transit through the Maldives.
Apparently, a troubled Gayoom has replied Swamy explaining that he was not aware of who was coming till the last minute as the Norwegians had not given him full information. Referring to Rajiv Gandhi with gratitude, the Maldivian leader had assured Swamy that he would keep the latter’s sentiments in mind when the opportunity arose again. Swamy himself was confident that Balasingham would not be allowed into the Maldives again.
An additional factor negating the Maldivian alternative was the condition of the Iranaimadhu tank itself. Water had been used extensively for an extra crop of paddy cultivation. This along with the prevailing drought had resulted in water levels decreasing drastically in the tank. The deep waters of the greater canal sluice area where Balasingham had landed before is now shallow and muddy. Other choices like the Giants Tank, Vavunikkulam, or Nandhikkadal etc. were also ruled out because the water level has gone down. So even if the Maldivian route was available, the sea plane could not land or take off in any stretch of water in LTTE controlled territory.
Other options available at one point included passage through India. Although India had not responded formally to the LTTE request, Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee had indicated privately to Marumalarchi Dravida Munnetra Kazgagham (MDMK) Leader Vaiko that Balasingham could be given transit facilities through Bangalore. Even before this private communication became official, the situation changed drastically in India. On the one hand, Vajpayee was ‘downsized’ and the hard-line Home Minister Lal Krishna Advani became Deputy Prime Minister and the ‘real’ power calling the shots in New Delhi.
On the other hand, Tamil Nadu Chief Minister Jayalalitha Jeyaram cracked down and acknowledged LTTE sympathisers like Vaiko, Tamil National Movement Leader Nedumaran, Secretary Subha Veera Pandian and several MDMK functionaries. They are being charged under the draconian Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) for allegedly supporting the LTTE. Under these circumstances the possibility of using Bangalore or any South Indian city seems out of the question. It is highly unlikely that the LTTE will now utilise that option even if available because of the Indian mood and environment.
There is of course the logical option of a straight avenue. Balasingham could fly directly to Katunayake and then be whisked off by helicopter to the Wanni. Again, the LTTE seems to be reluctant. Without the ban being lifted and direct talks commencing, the Tigers don’t want to use any air or naval facility under the Sri Lankan government. Again, it is not the bona fides of Wickremesinghe that is in doubt but the ‘whims and fancies’ of the executive president and the various ‘agencies’ running amok in the defence establishment.
Unwilling
With the Athurugiriya arsenal incident fresh in the LTTE mind, it may not be willing to run unnecessary risks as long as Kumaratunga remains the supreme commander of the armed forces. Interestingly, there is a school of thought within the LTTE that suspects foul play in the death of SLMC leader M. H. M. Ashraff.
There is also the anxiety that if Colombo becomes safe for Balasingham to travel through, then the LTTE delegation to Thailand too could be ‘compelled’ to do so. This, is unacceptable at this juncture for the LTTE. Also, if Colombo becomes increasingly ‘safe,’ the talks too could be shifted there. This is not acceptable to the Tigers for political reasons right now. The LTTE sees the ethnic crisis as a ‘national question’ and not a minority grievance. So, it would like the talks to be held in a third country with third party facilitation. There is the possibility that as time progresses and a greater level of trust and rapport is reached, the Tigers may feel confident and amiable enough to attend talks in Colombo. Much progress is required on the peace process front before the Tigers reach that stage.
For now, the Norwegians are wrestling with the problem. One suggestion being actively perused is to get Balasingham to fly down to Singapore and then get on board a Norwegian ship and reach the Mullaitivu coast. If that works out, then the LTTE delegation too could be transported to Thailand the same way by sea.
If however, the Norwegians succeed in convincing Balasingham that utilising the Colombo route would not pose any risk personally or politically, one may very well see the Tiger ideologue landing at Katunayake. If however, the Norwegians do not find a suitable alternative mode of travel for Balasingham then he may simply go to Thailand this time without reaching the Wanni. That is only a reprieve because finding a way for Balasingham to travel to the Wanni is of utmost importance for the success of the peace process.
So, while the Norwegians and the Colombo government are engaged in devising a suitable travel mode for Balasingham, the LTTE chief negotiator waits patiently in London seemingly without any concern and fully content to let the facilitators resolve his ‘Pokkuvarathu Pirachinai.’
That privilege exists at this point of time only because of the importance of being Anton Balasingham.
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