Archive for May, 2008
Statement by National Peace Council of Sri Lanka:
Sri Lanka’s recent unsuccessful bid to maintain its representation on the UN Human Rights Council following a vote by the General Assembly is another event that highlights the deteriorating condition of human rights in the country. Sri Lanka was one of the initial members of elected to the Human Rights Council in 2006 and might have reasonably expected to be re-elected. The country’s failure to be elected for a second term, despite an aggressive campaign to seek re-election, is an indication of a grave human rights situation that has not been dealt with in a constructive manner.
The National Peace Council regrets that the government has responded to criticism of its human rights record with denial and deflection. Human rights violations continue to be a grave threat to all Sri Lankans. For example, recently over 60 Tamil prisoners were transferred from the New Magazine Prison in Colombo to the Boosa Prison in Galle, where they were reportedly abused and tortured. During the past two weeks a spate of abductions, disappearances and arrests have been reported from different parts of the country. The latest one was the abduction and physical assault of senior journalist Keith Noyahr outside his home in a residential suburb of Colombo.
Membership in the UN Human Rights Council confers a moral duty and great responsibility to uphold the highest standards of human rights throughout the world. Sri Lanka’s inability to obtain re-election is likely to hurt the country’s international reputation and be a psychological blow to the
government. NPC sees this reversal as being a wake up call to the government to improve the situation so that greater costs are not inflicted on the country in the future owing to the inability to maintain internationally acceptable standards of human rights.
In November 2007, NPC released a media statement discussing the possible consequence of not implementing international human rights commitments. We expressed our strong concern regarding the possible the removal of Sri Lanka from the General System of Preferences (GSP), giving us exemptions from significant tariffs for trade with the European Union, Sri Lanka’s largest trading partner. Losing these benefits will only worsen an already critical economic situation, which has seen drastic increases in gas, electricity, and food costs. Every Sri Lankan therefore has many reasons to be concerned about the Government not living up to its commitment to improve the human rights situation in the country.
NPC therefore appeals to the government to work with civil society organisations in the country for the benefit of all Sri Lankans and meaningfully respond to all human rights violations, no matter who the perpetrators are.
We recommend full implementation of the 17th Amendment of the Constitution in appointing an Independent Constitutional Council and an Independent Human Rights Commission and other oversight bodies.
We call for government-civil society dialogue on this and other issues, and stand willing to do our part to bring the human rights of Sri Lankan citizens to the forefront. Only through sustained cooperation will we be able to jointly achieve a just, peaceful, and prosperous Sri Lanka. We believe that human rights and peace are two sides of the same coin. It would be futile to imagine that we can have one without the other.
Executive Director
On behalf of the Governing Council
National Peace Council of Sri lanka
May 23rd, 2008
Keith Noyahr, deputy editor with the English weekly The Nation, was abducted on Thursday night.
A day later, he was dropped off near his residence, badly beaten up and bruised, says the Free Media Movement, a media rights group in Sri Lanka.
The bruised face of Keith Noyahr (Photo: lankadissent.com)
Earlier in an urgent press release, FMM requested all press freedom organizations to take urgent action to get the journalist released:
Statement by Free Media Movement:
Keith Noyahr, Defence writer of English weekly The Nation, is reported missing from late evening today 22nd May 2008.
He has left his office around 10.30 pm but has not reached home. His vehicle was found close to his house, head lights and engine running.
Editor of the nation has made a complaint to the Dehiwala police on the incident.
FMM requests all press freedom orgaisations to take urgent action to save the life of journalist Keith Noyahr.
Please make phone calls:
The President of Sri Lanka + 94 112447400 ; president@presidentsoffice.lk
Secretary to the President +94 112 2326309; prsec@presidentsoffice.lk
Minister of Information + 94 112596557
_____________________________
Free Media Movement
237/ 22, Wijeya Kumaratunga Road
Colombo 05
Sri Lanka
Tel: +94 74 519 567/ +94 717 32623
Fax: +94 1 821236/ +94 1 591314
E-mail: fmm@sltnet.lk
__________________
BBC: Journalists have protested in the Sri Lankan capital, Colombo, after a colleague was abducted and beaten up.
May 22nd, 2008
Report by United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs-Integrated Regional Information Networks (IRIN):
The election of the former child soldier Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan as first chief minister of Sri Lanka’s eastern provincial administration has been welcomed as a sign that stability and the rule of law might be returning to the region after more than two decades of conflict.
Chandrakanthan, alias Pillayan, the 33-year-old head of the Tamil Makkal Viduthalai Pulikal (TMVP), a breakaway faction of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), was sworn in on 16 May by President Mahinda Rajapakse.
Chandrakanthan joined the Tamil Tigers at 15 in 1990. The transition from child soldier to a normal life has not been as easy for most other former child soldiers. And specialists on children’s rights and children in conflict in the eastern province are not convinced the threat of child recruitment has been removed.
[Children who have been separated from their parents in Batticaloa District due to the long-running conflict between the TamilTigers and government forces]
“There are still so many incidents occurring and a large military presence remains in some areas of the east,” Kadirgamarpillai Ariyarathnam, a consultant with the Professional Psychological Counseling Center (PPCC) in the eastern city of Batticaloa, 300km east of the capital, Colombo, told IRIN.
“Normalcy not only has to return but remain for some time for these kids to even think of a normal life,” Ariyarathnam said.
The PPCC cares for 207 children affected by the war in seven centres in the east. The children include former recruits and those separated from their parents or guardians.
Threat of re-recruitment
Ariyarathnam told IRIN that experience had taught the PPCC not to rush children back to their homes, despite extended lulls in the fighting. In April 2004, the PPCC had to take care of a large number of former combatants when Chandrakanthan, along with his then leader, Vinyagamourthi Muralitharan, alias Karuna, broke ranks with the Tigers and disbanded cadres.
[Many former child recruits and separated children face deep psychological wounds. The return to normalcy takes time and a politically and socially conducive environment-pics: Amantha Perera]
“Several months after that, the same kids were facing the threat of re-recruitment when the two sides [the TMVP and the Tamil Tigers] started clashing,” he said. “When a number of children returned to Muttur and Sampoor towns in Trincomalee District, Eastern Province, in 2007 [as part of a government-sponsored resettlement programme after the Tigers had been ousted from the areas in early 2007], some expressed fear of remaining in their villages,” Ariyarathnam said.
They were afraid they would be harassed for having earlier been with the Tamil Tigers. Other agencies that counsel traumatised children told IRIN that a complete overhaul of the political and social climate was necessary if the children were to return to normal lives.
Psychological wounds
“These are buried wounds, we cannot open these,” Getsi Shanmugam, a counsellor with the Eastern Self-reliant Community Organization (ESCO), which helps children in Trincomalee and Batticaloa Districts, told IRIN. “We have to wake up to the inner problems of these kids and a network of agencies working with children is necessary to make sure they are not left alone once they return home.”
PPCC’s Ariyarathnam said that despite the massive 2007 return programme, most resettlement communities continue to lack basic facilities. “What are these kids to return to? The roads are a mess, the schools are damaged and there are no jobs,” Ariyarathnam said.
Chandrakanthan now has the opportunity to ensure a brighter future for a younger generation of child recruits who shared his experience. “Let’s hope he does just that,” said Ariyarathnam.
May 21st, 2008
by Namini Wijedasa
Ex-Tamil Tiger rebel turned chief minister desperately trying to shed his terrorist label
President Mahinda Rajapaksa last week made an ex-child soldier the powerful chief minister of Sri Lanka’s Eastern province, causing journalists to rummage wildly for some background on the little-known breakaway rebel.
[Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan]
Meanwhile, Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan, also known as Pillayan, swapped his flip-flops and camouflage uniform for leather shoes and a lounge suit before paying some well-publicized courtesy calls to the country’s most influential Buddhist monks. It was the sign of a man desperate to shed his terrorist label and assume one of a refined democrat.
A refined democrat, that is, with guns.
“Until the LTTE (Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam) gets defeated in the Wanni and we have 100 per cent assurance of a perfect environment, we will retain our weapons,” said Ragu, Chandrakanthan’s personal secretary and political leader of his party, the Tamil Makkal Viduthalai Puligal (TMVP) or Tamil People’s Liberation Tigers.
Talking on Chandrakanthan’s cellphone while returning with him to the east, Ragu said the Tamil-speaking ex-rebel had assigned him to answer reporters’ questions.
“The TMVP is against terrorism and the barbaric things the LTTE is doing,” he explained. “And when you raise a voice against them, you will get killed. That is our past experience. So we will keep our weapons for the time being, till these people are beaten in the north.”
Chandrakanthan was ceremonially sworn in before Rajapaksa on Friday evening, only hours after a suspected Tamil Tiger suicide bomber on a motorcycle exploded between two buses packed with riot police in the capital, Colombo. The vehicles were parked near an upmarket hotel where Chandrakanthan was staying, just metres from the venue of the oath-taking ceremony. Ten people were killed and more than 90 injured.
Born in 1975 in Valachchenai, in the Batticaloa district, Chandrakanthan joined the Tamil Tiger rebels as a 15-year-old high school dropout. Assuming the nom de guerre Pillayan, he took part in a massive 1997 attack that drove government forces out of Mullaitivu in the north-east. He also assisted in a 2001 operation to oust the military from the strategic northern Elephant Pass base. Nevertheless, his battlefield exploits were not so spectacular as to earn him recognition among Tiger leaders.
Three years later, Chandrakanthan joined the Tigers’ eastern military wing leader Vinayagamoorthy Muralitharan, also known as Karuna, when he broke away from the main organization. The defectors did not disarm and were never ordered by the government to do so.
It wasn’t until last year that Chandrakanthan was first seen in newspapers. Journalist Mihiri Fonseka recalls, “In that first photograph, he appeared carrying a T-56 firearm and a belt of magazines hung around his chest while a cellular phone was dangling across. He was seated close to Karuna looking almost like the shadow of his master.”
Eager to enter national politics, Karuna formed the TMVP and made Chandrakanthan his deputy. The dynamics of the Karuna-Chandrakanthan relationship soon changed, however, and a rift emerged.
A British court in February sentenced Karuna to nine months in jail for entering the U.K. on a Sri Lankan diplomatic passport that carried his photograph but a different name. He was released in May-early for good behaviour-and may be deported but is unlikely to regain leadership of the TMVP.
Chandrakanthan earned the government’s favour in Karuna’s absence by supporting the military’s year-long operation to chase the Tamil Tigers out of the Eastern province. The government later fashioned an alliance with the TMVP and they jointly contested provincial elections on May 10. Chandrakanthan polled the largest number of preferential votes in his district and became a contender for the chief minister’s position.
It was not an election observers were entirely happy with. The People’s Alliance for Free and Fair Elections said it wasn’t able to conclude that the vote was free and a fair. One reason cited was the fact an armed group, the TMVP, was contesting the polls.
Still, the election monitoring group welcomed the vote saying it was “one important step that opens the doors of democratic governance to the people in the east.”
But can Chandrakanthan-who, until 2004, was officially identified as a “Tiger terrorist”-change his stripes? He has minimal education, no political experience, is still armed and is alleged to have been involved in large numbers of recent killings and abductions.
“Why not?” asked parliamentarian Basil Rajapaksa, a brother of the president who is widely believed to be the government’s chief strategist. “Such transformations have happened in other parts of the world, such as Northern Ireland and Nepal. In Sri Lanka, too, this has occurred before. We have to draw these people into the democratic mainstream.”
Chandrakanthan, he said, had won by the ballot and not by the bullet. “He got the highest number of preference votes because people like him. New people (in politics) are good. They are fresh and unspoiled and can do some good.” [courtesy: The Toronto Star]
Namini Wijedasa is a freelance journalist in South Asia.
May 20th, 2008
Update, May 21, 2008: Sri Lanka’s Defeat a Victory for Human Rights Council [HRW]
Statement by Human Rights Watch:
Winners of the Nobel Peace Prize from three continents called on UN members to reject Sri Lanka’s candidacy for the UN Human Rights Council, the NGO Coalition for an Effective Human Rights Council said today. Nobel laureates Desmond Tutu of South Africa, Adolfo Perez Esquivel of Argentina, and Jimmy Carter of the United States each published statements urging opposition to Sri Lanka because of its abusive human rights record. Elections to the 47-member council, the United Nations’ leading human rights body, will be held in New York on May 21, 2008. Six candidates-Bahrain, Japan, Pakistan, South Korea, Sri Lanka, and Timor Leste are running for four seats allocated to Asian states. Council members are required to “uphold the highest standards” of human rights and “fully cooperate” with the council.
Bishop Desmond Tutu
The Nobel Peace Prize 1984
In a commentary published by The Guardian in London, Archbishop Desmond Tutu of South Africa charged that “the systematic abuses by Sri Lankan government forces are among the most serious imaginable,” citing widespread torture and extrajudicial killings. “Governments owe it to Sri Lankan human rights victims and to victims of human rights abuses around the world to ensure that the Sri Lankan bid fails,” Tutu declared. Tutu won the Nobel Peace Prize in 1984 for his leadership of the campaign to end apartheid in South Africa.
Adolfo Perez Esquivel
The Nobel Peace Prize 1980
In a commentary published by Pagina 12 in Buenos Aires, Adolfo Perez Esquivel compared the routine torture and the hundreds of “disappearances” and extrajudicial killings committed by Sri Lankan government forces to the “dirty wars” waged by various Latin American governments against their own citizens in the 1970s and 1980s. “As Latin Americans know all too well, there are few crimes more horrible for a government to commit than summarily removing its own citizens from their homes and families, often late at night, never to be heard from again,” declared Esquivel. “Latin American governments can do a great service to the people of Sri Lanka by rejecting their government’s candidacy for the Human Rights Council.” Esquivel won the Nobel Peace Prize in 1980 for his opposition to the “disappearances,” extrajudicial killings, and torture used by the military government of Argentina in combating domestic terrorists.
Jimmy Carter (James Earl Carter, Jr.), thirty-ninth president of the United States The Nobel Peace Prize 2002
Former US President Jimmy Carter observed that the UN established membership standards for the Human Rights Council in 2006 so that it would be “led by countries with a greater commitment to human rights.” A statement released by the Carter Center in Atlanta “calls on the General Assembly not to re-elect Sri Lanka to the Human Rights Council,” citing “the country’s deteriorating human rights record since its first election to the Council in 2006.” Carter won the Nobel Peace Prize in 2002 for his work to resolve international conflicts, advance democracy and human rights, and promote economic and social development.
The Nobel laureates added their voices to the Sri Lankan and international campaigns against the re-election of Sri Lanka to the council. Human rights organizations within Sri Lanka urged UN members to “hold the Sri Lankan government accountable for the grave state of human rights abuse in the country” by rejecting its candidacy, observing it “has used its membership of the Human Rights Council to protect itself from scrutiny.”
A coalition of more than 20 nongovernmental organizations from all regions of the world wrote to UN members to oppose Sri Lanka’s re-election to the council, citing its government for a wide range of serious abuses, including hundreds of extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearances, widespread torture, and arbitrary detention. The website established by the NGO Coalition for an Effective Human Rights Council detailed how Sri Lanka rejects the recommendations of UN human rights experts, harshly attacks senior UN officials who report on human rights issues, and has refused to engage in serious discussions to allow international human rights monitoring.
The coalition noted in its letter that the armed separatist Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam have long been implicated in serious human rights abuses, but says this provides no justification for government abuses. The abuses in Argentina opposed by Esquivel were committed by that government in the name of combating extreme domestic terrorist organizations.
In 2007, a coalition of NGOs successfully opposed the candidacy of Belarus for the Human Rights Council.
“Cheers went up amongst human rights defenders around the world when Belarus was defeated,” said Hassan Shire Sheikh of the East and Horn of Africa Human Rights Defenders Project in Uganda. “This year’s election provides an opportunity for African states to send a strong signal, following up on the defeat of Belarus. The Human Rights Council must stand with the victims, not become an abusers’ club.”
To read the letter from the NGO coalition to the UN Human Rights Council, opposing Sri Lanka’s candidacy, please visit: http://www.hrw.org/effectiveHRC/SriLanka/INGOletter.html
To read more about the Sri Lanka campaign, please visit: http://www.hrw.org/effectiveHRC/SriLanka
[HRW News]
May 19th, 2008
by D.B.S. Jeyaraj
The Rajapakse regime registered a remarkable achievement on Friday May 16th when Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan alias “Pillaiyan” took his oaths at President’s house before President Mahinda Rajapakse as chief minister of the Eastern provincial council.
The Rajapakse regime deeply influenced by Sinhala hawkish elements has pursued an intergrated politico-military strategy towards the Eastern province that has an ethnically mixed population.
The essence of that strategy has been to “cleanse” the province of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) and prop up the eastern tiger breakaway faction known as the “Tamil Makkal Viduthalaip Puligal” (TMVP) or Tamil Peoples Liberation Tigers.
Both the LTTE and TMVP are in Tamil “Viduthalai Puligal” or liberation tigers. The difference in nomenclature is slight. The LTTE liberation tigers give pride of place to “Tamil Eelam” while the TMVP liberation tigers give prominence to the Tamil people or “Tamil Makkal”.
The TMVP is nominally headed by former LTTE eastern regional special commander Vinayagamoorthy Muraleetharan alias “Col” Karuna. “Pillaiyan” is only the deputy -leader but in practice he is indeed the supremo.
His elevation as Eastern chief minister has will enhance Pillaiyan’s clout further.
The Rajapakse regime has multi-lateral objectives towards the Eastern province.
Firstly it was de-linked from the north and made separate. Earlier the northern and eastern provinces were merged in terms of the Indo – Lanka accord of 1987.
Secondly a brutally intensive military campaign was waged to drive away the LTTE from the territory it controlled in the east. Earlier the greater part of the littoral known as “Eluvaankarai” (shore of the rising sun) was under Government control while many parts of the hinterland known as “Paduvaankarai” (shore of the setting sun) was under LTTE control.
Thirdly a comprehensive plan to develop and exploit the untapped resources of the province was drawn up.
Fourthly an agenda to alter the demographic structure of the province within a specific period was evolved. The idea was to “Sinhalaise” the province and reduce the Tamils and Muslims to minority status in their areas of historic habitation.
Fifthly a separate provincial administration for the Eastern province was to be set up.Establishing an eastern provincial council was necessitated due to several factors.
The de-merger has now been made permanent. The Government was opposed to the merger and now the danger seems to have gone away after the provincial poll.
The Eastern PC was also required to expedite and implement the elaborate blueprints drawn up to develop the province. External aid and assistance could be procured only if an elected PC was in place in the province.
The “Sinhalaisation” agenda could also be skilfully pushed through. Already key bureaucratic positions have been awarded to retired military officers and public officials subscribing to this agenda.
More importantly a provincial council for the people of the east would help the Government in its couter – insurgency approach towards the LTTE.
It was very necessary to make a showcase out of the province liberated from LTTE clutches. Democracy had to be ushered in and development promoted.
Thus it could be demonstrated that the Tamil people stood to gain more from a democratised east in a united Sri Lanka than being under the LTTE as part of its quest for Tamil Eelam.
It was therefore necessary for the Government to go through the motions of establishing an elected provincial administration. This administration had to be under Government control.
Against that backdrop the result of the Provincial Council was a foregone conclusion. As stated in these columns published last week in our sister paper “The Bottom Line” this writer did not bother to analyse or assess the election campaign because there was no point in doing so when the ultimate result was already a “known”.
There was just no way in which this government or its master strategist Basil Rajapakse was going to allow the opposition to walk away with the spoils.
Once the results were out there was much speculation about who the chief minister was going to be.
The Hizbulla-Pillaiyan competition over the post was being turned into an ethnic clash between the Muslims and Tamils.
Both Hizbullah and Pillaiyan were claiming that their community was the single-largest ethnicity in the province. Both claimed that they had been instrumental in ensuring a government victory at the hustings.
Thanks to the peculiarities of the proportionate representation voting system more Muslims than Tamils were elected as eastern provincial councillors. 18 of the 35 elected councillors were Muslims. Of these eight were in government ranks.
Only ten of the elected councillors were Tamil. Of these only six were from the TMVP.This strengthened Hizbullah’s case.
On the other hand more Muslim votes were polled by the opposition. But more Tamil and Sinhala votes were polled by the Government. This enhanced Pillaiyan’s claim.
This columnist writing in last week’s “The Bottom Line” predicted that notwithstanding Hizbullahs credentials it was Pillaiyan who was likely to be appointed chief minister.
This was more due to the fact that Pillaiyan would be more of a puppet than Hizbullah. It really did not matter whether the de jure chief minister was Hizbullah, Pillaiyan or some other because the de facto CM would be Basil Rajapakse.
[Pillaiyan and Basil Rajapakse, after swearing in ceremony, Friday, May 16, 2008-pic courtesy:Puthinam.com]
Real power will be in Basil’s hands and he is going to call the shots as far as the eastern provincial council is concerned. He is the master puppeteer and the chief minister and fellow ministers will be like puppets on a string.
This has now happened. Chandrakanthan alias Pillaiyan and not M. A. L. M. Hizbullah has been aqppointed chief minister.
Whatever his faults , Hizbullah is an experienced political leader who has served for many years as a Parliamentarian. He has also been deputy – minister, non – cabinet minister and head of two semi – government corprations. It would have been difficult for Basil to “control” Hizbullah.
Pillaiyan on the other hand is a “novice” whose expertise hitherto has been that of ruthlessly implementing the directives laid down by his handlers from “intelligence” agencies.
Among the many allegations against Pillaiyan is the charge that he personally shot dead a journalist in broad daylight. The “Virakesari” Tamil newspaper’s Batticaloa correspondent Aiyathurai Nadesan was killed on Boundary road as he was riding his motor cycle to work.
Pillaiyan was also implicated in the abduction and murder of seven employees belonging to the Tamil Rehabilitation Organization (TRO) linked to the LTTE. Pillaiyan has been accused of ordering the abductions, interrogation and killings.
No worthwhile or credible inquiry has been undertaken regarding these killings and other such incidents.
Today the man facing allegations of complicity in these crimes against humanity is appointed chief minister. Adding insult to injury is the fact that the portfolio of law and order has been entrusted to Pillaiyan.
Retaining Mervin Silva as a minister illustrates vividly the utter contempt of the Rajapakse regime towards the people of Sri Lanka. Likewise the choice of Pillaiyan shows the disdain towards the people of the eastern province.
Pillaiyan has been made chief minister because he can be easily controlled or manipulated.
Also Pillaiyan can be easily dispensed with if he shows signs of defiance
There are numerous “files” on Pillaiyan that can be activated if necessary.
The intelligence operatives “handling” the TMVP found Pillaiyan a better prospect than Karuna. The TMVP leader Karuna had a greater sense of political acumen and wanted something tangible in exchange for his collaboration.
But Pillaiyan was not like that He was ready to obey without question.
“intelligence” therefore promoted factionalism within the TMVP and “banished” Pillaiyan to Trincomalee. He did as commanded.
Meanwhile “Col” Karuna was encouraged to visit Britain to meet with his family. An official “diplomatic” passport was issued to Karuna under a false name with his own photograph. It was “officially” sent to the British High Commission to get a visa on a false pretext.
When Karuna was on the verge of returning to Colombo he was arrested and detained in London.
Almost immediately Pillaiyan moved in to Batticaloa and consolidated himself. While paying lip service to the overall leadership of Karuna the TMVP deputy – leader took charge.
Pillaiyan is now the boss but diplomatically says he will hand over his post to Karuna when the “colonel” returns.
This does seem a remote possibility at present and Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan is likely to be the eastern province chief for quite a while.
While engaging in Tamil nationalist projects for cosmetic purposes the chief minister will have to toe the line as far as the “Sinhalaisation” agenda is concerned.
It is not a coincidence that the Jathika Hela Urumaya is supportive of Pillaiyan. The Sinhala hardliners know that the “Tamil” Pillaiyan is the best person to facilitate the “Sinhalaisation” agenda.
Besides the JHU is more hostile towards Eastern Muslims who have been asked to go to Saudi Arabia by a senior leader.
While Pillaiyan and his TMVP function as stooges of the regime they are likely to be used against the Muslims.
The TMVP took up stances against the Muslims in Pottuvil and in Kaattaankudi.
In Kalmunai the TMVP tried to intimidate Muslim fishermen in support of Sinhala fishermen.
The election campaign of the United People Freedom Alliance (UPFA) was on thinly disguised communal lines. The Muslims were told to vote for a Muslim chief minister and the Tamils for one of their own
Though the list was multi-ethnic divisive tendencies were played up in practice.
Overt attempts to “Sinhalaise” the east at the expense of Muslims and Tamils had for a short period led to a closing of ranks between both communities.
It was realised that the Tamil – Muslim ethnic divide was being exploited by the third party.
The positive, statesmanlike approach of Rauff Hakeem and the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress helped cement this understanding further.
But the craftily orchestrated Hizbulla-Pillaiyan split has exacerbated the Tamil-Muslim divide .
The British may have left but their legacy of “divide and rule” lingers on.
Attempts will be made to keep the Muslims and Tamils “divided” in the east.
Pillaiyan and the TMVP will be the cutting edge of this divisive strategy.
There are also some other valid political reasons for Pillaiyan being made CM.
The de-merger of the north-east is an issue that rankles in the Tamil psyche.
Appointing a Non-Tamil as eastern chief minister after de-merging the east would amount to rubbing salt into a raw wound.
Politically the LTTE could have derived some mileage out of it.
Having Pillaiyan as chief minister does not pose a threat to those opposing a north-east merger. The TMVP is the only Tamil party that stands firmly against the north-east merger.
This factor also counts in tipping the scales in favour of Pillaiyan.
Another sleazy reason is corruption. Much money is going to be made by interested parties under the guise of developing the east . Again Pillaiyan will be a more pliable instrument in this.
Finally there is the LTTE threat.
Whatever the viewpoint propagated by the government regarding the “conquest of the east” those in the know realise that the LTTE managed to withdraw from the province with the bulk of its military assets intact.
The LTTE may be fighting an uphill battle in the Wanni but a “return” to the east is always possible.
In such an eventuality it is to the advantage of the government in having a committed anti – tiger chief minister of the Tamil ethnicity rather than a Muslim.
If and when the tigers try to come back the eastern administration of Pillaiyan will co-operate to a great extent with the security forces in combatting the tiger threat
In such a situation the chances of Hizbulla becoming chief minister amounted to that of an ice cube in a blazing furnace.
Hizbulla’s grouse of being deceived is valid. But then he elicits little sympathy because Hizbulla himself is not a man of political integrity.
Hizbulla was once elected to Parliament on the SLMC ticket in terms of a gentleman’s agreement that he would resign after 30 months to enable Cader Mohideen of Oddamavaddy become MP. This assurance was honoured in the breach by Hizbullah.
Even during this poll the conduct of Hizbulla was a virtual betrayal of the Muslim Congress. Hizbullah entered into a deal with Basil behind the back of Rauff Hakeem and jumped ship at the eleventh hour.
Hizbulla was promised the chief minstership and has now been taken for a ride.
Poetic justice indeed!
Another compromise formula being discussed is based on rotational power sharing basis. If this works put Pillaiyan will be Chief Minister for two years, followed by Hizbulla for another two years and then a Sinhala CM for one year.
It was amusing to see Hizbullah issuing threats that twelve Muslim ministers will resign their posts if he was not made the chief minister.
As Dr. Colvin R de Silva once famously observed , Sri Lankan ministers do not resign on matters of principle. They simply resign themselves to fate!
In the case of our present crop of Muslim ministers they are glued to their seats.
Though there are major issues affecting the Muslim community they have not displayed the slightest inclination to resign in protest.
Even if there was grave danger to Mecca and Medina our Muslim ministers would not budge from their posts and perks.
It was laughable therefore to see Hizbullah issuing threats that his co – religionists and co – regionists were going to resign on his behalf.
Even among the other seven Muslim councillors elected on the UPFA ticket only two were “loyal” to Hizbullah. This loyalty too could be fickle in the future. The other five Muslim councillors are not supportive of Hizbullah.
Apart from veiled threats Hizbulla could do very little. Basil had outsmarted him.
A compromise solution was offered when the President met with the parties concerned at Temple Trees on Friday morning
The chief minster and one other ministerial post would go to the Tamils. Two powerful ministerial posts and that of the chairman/speaker will be allocated to Muslims. One ministerial post and the deputy speaker post would be given the Sinhalese.
It seemed a fair offer but Hizbulla refused.
So when the ceremony took place in the evening at Presidents House only Pillaiyan and three ministers were sworn in.
The trio representing the Muslim, Tamil and Sinhala communities were all elected from the Amparai district.
They were MS Uthuma Lebbe, Thuraiyappah Navaratnarajah and Dissanayake Wimalaweera. Uthuma Lebbe is from Athaullah’s national congress while Navaratnarajah and Wimalaweera are from the TMVP and SLFP respectively.
One minister post remains vacant thus keeping the door open for Hizbullah.
While the eastern chief ministership problem seems to have been resolved for the moment , political analysts were puzzling over the LTTE strategy.
Contrary to claims made by the Government the tigers did not try to disrupt the elections. They virtually ignored it.
Even the bomb exploded at Amparai was part of the on going LTTE strategy to create mayhem and not aimed at the provincial poll as being made out.
The tigers could not have disrupted the poll in a meaningful manner even if they had tried to do so. So they made a virtue out of necessity.
But now that the election is over the LTTE has many definite “targets”. Most provincial concillors and key officials are potential targets of assassination.
If the LTTE is to demonstrate that it is still a force to be reckoned with in the east then the provincial poll should have been disrupted. This was not done.
Therefore the tigers will now have to disrupt the new provincial administration. By engaging in deliberate violence the tigers will try and prevent the new council functining effectively.
This is what the LTTE did in the 1988 – 90 period when the India imposed North – Eastern provincial council was set up. The tigers could not disrupt the polls but the elections lacked credibility as it is now.
Thereafter the LTTE tried to sabotage the N- E provincial council through violence but were not able to do it effectively.
Finally the LTTE engaged in dialogue with Ranasinghe Pemadasa and through him scuttled the council in what was a “cutting off the nose to spite the face”scenario.
If the LTTE wants to target the new provincial council then the tigers have to move in large numbers to the east.
In what was perhaps an indicator of the future several tigers trying to infiltrate the east were arrested in Trincomalee recently.
Media reports said that they had come to disrupt the PC poll but that assumption seems to be wrong.
They were from the LTTE intelligence division and formed part of a “pilot” contingent sent to do “rekke” or reconnaissance.
Apparently preparations are being made to send LTTE cadre in large numbers to the east in the future.
Confirming that notion is a recent event that has gone largely unnoticed in the mainstream media.
The first LTTE infantry regiment raised from the Batticaloa – Amparai districts of the east is known as the Jeyanthan regiment. The regiment celebrated its 16th anniversary on May 4th.
A ceremony was held at the Jeyanthan training camp in Olumadhu in the Wanni.
“Col” Keerthy who has now been appointed as special commander of the Jeyanthan regiment delivered a special address at the ceremony.
Keerthy was earlier the head of LTTE intelligence in the East.
Keerthi observed that the Jeyanthan regiment has lost 1580 “heroes” in battle over the past 16 years.
He said that there were questions about when and where the regiment would do battle next.
Kerthi then revealed that the Jeyanthan regiment was now being re-structured with specialised training. The objective he said was to go to the east soon.
In a scathing indictment of the Pillaiyan led TMVP , Keerthi said that it was time to teach a lesson to the traitors and dispel their dream of an effective eastern provincial council.
it was only a matter of time before the Jeyanthan regiment relocated to their home turf and revived the Tamil struggle in the eastern province promised Keerthi.
Amid thunderous applause , Keerthi drew attention to the Jeyanthan regiment motto of “Engum Selvom; Ethilum Velvom” (We’ll go everywhere; we’ll win anywhere).
It remains to be seen whether Keerthi was being truthful or whether he was playing to the gallery in a bid to revive morale.
It is a moot point as to whether the LTTE can spare cadre to the east when the “rear base” in the Wanni is being assailed.
It is however quite possible that Keerthi was indeed being candid and that the Jeyanthan regiment would relocate to the east.
Logistically it is not possible for a large – scale “invasion” but the tigers could slowly infiltrate the east in small groups.
The old “Beirut trail” comprising jungle routes between the north and east has not gone out of use entirely.
It is also possible for limited boat landings from the north into selected points along the eastern coast.
If the Jeyanthan regiment does try to move into the east there is no doubt that their erstwhile comrades labelled now as TMVP would resist them fiercely
It would then be a case of LTTE tigers vs TMVP tigers and the hapless eastern civilians will be caught in the intra-tiger crossfire
DBS Jeyaraj can be reached at djeyaraj2005@yahoo.com
May 17th, 2008
by D.B.S. Jeyaraj
The time was about 7.45 – 7.50 pm.on Tuesday May 13th.
Four young men on two cycles were traveling along the intricate labyrinth of inter-connected “Olungaigal” (by-lanes) of Karaveddy in the Vadamaratchy division of Jaffna peninsula.
It was dark as a power cut was on. Electricity is supplied on a rotational basis to different areas of the peninsula. There is a time-table according to which localities are given electricity for specific periods. “power-cut” time for Karaveddy had begun at 7. 30 pm.
The men parked their cycles close to a “mudakku” or turning point near the long winding lane referred to as “Keerippalli” from time immemorial by residents of the area. It had been re-named later but no one used the official name.
“Keeri” is mongoose and “palli ” gecko in Tamil. Keeripalli would therefore mean “mongoose-gecko ” in English. The name’s origin is not kown.
One of the youths stayed behind with the vehicles. Three others walked briskly for a distance of about 55 – 60 metres. They were clad in military fatigues. Two of them wore rubber slippers while a third had boots on.
Flashing their battery powered torch lights, the trio turned into the Velayutham residence on Keeripalli. The house was situated in the Karaveddy locality but in close proximity to the Karanavaai east and Nelliaddy divisions on two sides.
[Maheswari Velayutham-July 17, 1955-May 13, 2008]
The Velayutham residence was full of people. A family re- union of sorts was going on though an atmosphere of sadness was prevalent. The matriarch known as “Eeswari teacher” in Karaveddy was on her deathbed.
Mrs. Velayutham who had taught for many years at Vikneshwara College , Karaveddy was terminally ill with cancer. Her children many of them living in different parts of the world and in Sri Lanka had all come home to spend some time together with their loving mother.
Eeswari teacher had been hospitalised earlier in Colombo and in Chennai. Upon being informed there was no hope she had wanted to go home and pass away peacefully in her own home
Eeswari teacher was now in a coma. Death was impending and the siblings had converged together after many years at the family residence to be united in a time of sorrow and be with their mother during her last days.
As anticipated death did occur in the Velayutham family but it was not the ailing mother but one of her loving daughters who met with death.
53 year old Maheswari Velayutham was the third child in the family. An attorney – at – law , Maheswari was serving as adviser to Social Services Minister Douglas Devananda and also as public relations co-ordinator in the ministry.
It was Maheswari who had a tryst with death on that night.
Several of the family including Maheswari had returned earlier from the Kiraayi Pillaiyaar temple . Apparently a vow or “nerthikadan” was made at the temple dedicated to Lord Ganesh.
There was a reason for this. May 13th was the day on which their father had died years ago. The children felt that something may happen to the mother on that day. So they had gone en masse to the temple
Three men strode into the residence compound. One of them spoke in “Sinhala” and said that they were from the army. They had information that some people from foreign countries were staying in the house. They wanted to check the identity cards he said.
Five of Maheswary’s siblings had come with their families from Britain. Two of her sisters were living in Sri Lanka, one in Jaffna-other in Colombo.
Family members felt something was not right. Though it was dark there was something fishy about these young teen-aged men in slippers and military uniforms. Two of them had a T-56 each
The face of at least one person was familiar. It was that of a youngster aged around thirteen or fourteen. He had been hired earlier to do some manual work in the household and had been hanging around the place. Now he was in uniform and armed.
One of the brothers asked ” them” to wait and went inside to inform “Sinnakkili” of the problem.
Sinnakkili or small parrot was the pet name of Maheswari Velayutham. Being a lawyer fluent in English, Sinhala and Tamil and also having political influence the family members naturally relied on “Sinnakkili” to sort matters out.
Maheswari was inside the kitchen helping to feed her little nephews and nieces. Her own ID card was in her handbag kept in the bedroom near her mother’s bed.
Upon being told of what was happening Maheswari got up and walked to her mothers room to retrieve her identity card and other official documents. She then began walking to the front of the house saying she would explain to the “soldiers”.
Meanwhile the men in uniform now switched to Tamil and began shouting out “Maheswari Akka! Maheswari Akka! Veliyile vaango” (Elder sister Maheswari! Come outside).
The family members now got alarmed. They realised something was terribly wrong and that Maheswari was in trouble.Some tried to go in and warn her.
But the two men wearing slippers entered the house and began to move in forcibly despite protests. The man wearing boots hurried out and began jogging fast towards the cycles.
The two assassins were going in as Maheswari Velayutham was coming out. They met face to face.
Even though the light was dim Maheswari realised who the assassins were. “Ivai LTTE aatkal” (these are LTTE people) she cried out.
She instinctively knew the killers had come for her. Her primary concern was for her family members. Instead of trying to run away she only implored the youths “Ivaikku ondum seithu podatheyungo” (Dont do anything to these people).
The assassins whipped out their weapons and opened fired at point blank range.
Even as family members screamed out in fear their beloved Sinnakkili slumped to the floor with injuries to her head, chest, shoulders and abdomen.
She lay in a pool of blood in her own family home surrounded by family members. Blood was pouring out from the wounds and much of it came out through her mouth.
Maheswari was a spiritual person and was a devotee of a particular “Holy” man from India. He had given her an amulet that she wore around her neck. “Swami has assured me that as long as I wear this no harm will come to me” she had often told relatives and friends.
Now the amulet itself was red soaked in her blood.
The assailants ran out and trotted towards the cycles. Their two companions had started pedalling . They hurriedly clambered on to the bar and sped off through the maze of by – lanes. The purveyors of death disappeared into the dark night.
There is an army post on Naavalar madam junction at one end of Keeripalli lane . Housed in the building of what was earlier the business known as Suppiah and sons , it is about 125 – 150 metres away from the Velayutham residence.
Further down the Point Pedro road near the Nelliaddy junction there is a bigger military detachment at the old service station premises and adjacent buildings. Opposite to that in the house known earlier as “Sothy Illam” is the Eelam Peoples Democratic Party (EPDP) office.
Despite the close proximity of the military installations and EPDP camp it was at least 30 – 35 minutes later that official help arrived at the Velayutham residence.
The family was petrified with fear. Some neighbours had seen the assassins coming and going and heard the shots. They realised what had happened and fearfully came over to help.
Phone calls were made to EPDP leader and Social Services minister Douglas Devananda . A shocked Douglas got in touch with relevant authorities and urged immediate action.
It was then that things got moving.
Maheswari was taken to the base hopital at Manthigai but was pronounced dead within minutes.
In Hindu mythology “Yaman” is the god of death. “Chitragupthan ” is Lord Yamans “accountant” who keeps tabs on all beings and determines the day and place of death decreed according to their fate.
It is believed that when the time comes Yaman sends his messengers known as “Yamathoothar” to the house of death and retrieves the soul through the death rope called “Paasakkayiru”.
In this instance Yaman seemed to have sent his messengers to the house of death as expected but it was the death itself which was unexpected. The “time” had come not for the mother but for the daughter to depart.
Maheswari was a trusted aide and respected adviser to Douglas Devananda who is a top target of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam(LTTE). Maheswari too was on the tiger hit list.
Against that backdrop one would have expected maximum security being given to her while visiting her hometown in Jaffna. Urgent attention should have been shown at least after she was shot. But this did not happen.
There was not even a single policeman on duty at her house when she was shot. Neither did the security personnel rush to the spot despite the army post and camp being in the neighbourhood.
The security personnel apparently regarded the case as one more of the many “murders” occurring regularly in Jaffna. They may have come at their own pace but for Devananda’s intervention.
The bitter irony in this is that many of the killings in Jaffna are attributed to killer squads of the EPDP itself. The security personnel do not rush in because most killings are officially sanctioned unofficial executions.
In this instance the security personnel were extremely upset upon knowing who the victim was.
According to sources close to the EPDP Maheswari had not wanted any special protection while she was in Jaffna. There were two reasons one logical and the other based on belief for this.
Maheswari thought that having bodyguards etc would attract unwelcome attention. She also felt that her family members would be uneasy by the security detail. So too would people visiting her mother.
Also she had excessive faith in the Indian Swamy. Irrational as it may seem to some she had firm faith in the amulet given by the Godman. She would re-iterate that nothing would happen to her because of the amulet.
Maheswari had been warned not to go to Jaffna for security reasons. But she was adamant to go for sentimental reasons.
She wanted to be together with family members by the deathbed of her mother. Maheswari had taken special care of the mother when she was hospitalised in Colombo and Chennai.
“How can I be away from her when she passes away” she told trusted friends. It is considered a great blessing to be with one’s parents at the time of their death.
Ms. Velayutham had been expected to inform the authorities and get special security after she flew into Jaffna. But she refrained from doing so.
Initially she was scheduled to stay in Karaveddy for only two days.
But after seeing her family members particularly the children Maheswari wanted to prolong her stay.
[Relatives of Maheswari Velayudam mourn at a public cemetery during her funeral procession in Colombo May 15, 2008-Reuters via Yahoo! News by Buddhika Weerasinghe]
“We have never seen Akka so happy in recent times. She was always with her nieces and nephews” One of her brothers told a friend in Canada.
Maheswari reached Karaveddy during the week – end and maintained a low profile for three days. Even the local EPDP office was not informed.
But news did spread that she had come. It was further confirmed when she went to the temple. Apart from the Pillaiyar temple she also worshipped at a nearby Vairavar kovil. Maheswari herself had procured much state assistance for renovating this temple.
Whether Maheswari was too sentimental, rash or careless is a matter of opinion. The stark reality is that Ms. Velayutham is now dead.
One of the assassins who had done some manual labour was from the LTTE. After confirming that she was there the tigers had come after nightfall to kill her.
It was only after her death that the security forces got into action. An extended curfew was announced. The area was cordoned off and a house to house search was conducted.
There was however no sign of the suspected LTTE assassins. The area was quite porous and it was very easy to get in and out through by – lanes, footpaths and ridges despite the security maintained on the roads and key junctions.
The LTTE had engaged in quite a few attacks in the Nelliaddy – Karaveddy area during the past weeks.Most of them were done by teen – aged youths.
Some persons have been arrested on suspicion. Vehicles going in and out of the area are being checked but it seems a case of shutting the stable door after the horse bolts.
Maheswari’s body was taken to Jaffna city where the magistrate conducted the inquest. Thereafter the body air-lifted to Colombo hastily. The post-mortem was conducted in Colombo.
Family members were also flown to Colombo. The ailing mother was taken to Chennai and admitted to Apllo hospital. Maheswari’s elder sister is with the mother.
Maheswari’s mortal remains were kept at the EPDP office in Park road and later at Jayaratne Florists for people to pay their respects.
A large number of political leaders from different political parties as well as a cross section of human rights and peace activists expressed condolences..
The funeral held on May 15th according to Hindu rites was attended by many people.
Devananda was associated with family members in performing the last rites.
In reporting her death the media refers to Maheswari as a key EPDP official or adviser /aide to Douglas Devananda.
It would however be incorrect to assume that she was only an EPDP activist and nothing more.
The media is not to be faulted as Maheswari at the time of her death was indeed a close confidante and trusted deputy of Douglas Devananda.
Devananda’s one time adviser and ex-MP Dr. K. Vikneswaran has left the EPDP and formed his own party the Akila Ilankai Tamil United Front. When Vikneswaran was adviser to minister Devananda Maheswari was functioning as consultant.
It was after his departure that Ms. Velayutham became adviser and later public relations co-ordinator.
In recent times she has become a tower of strength to Devananda. It is said that the right and left hands of Devananda are his brother Dayananda and Maheswari.
After Thavarajah’s departure to Britain Maheswari was appointed the EPDP representative to the All Party representative committee chaired by Dr. Tissa Vitarane.
It was announced last week that a task force to co-ordinate administration and develop the north would be set up under Douglas Devananda. Rishard Badiudeen and Basil Rajapakse were to be the other members.
It was widely speculated that Maheswari would play an important role in the administration and development of the North in the days to come. Indeed her assassination may have been hastened due to this.
Some tiger media organs operating abroad within the Tamil Diaspora stated that Maheswari was in Jaffna to oversee matters concerning the proposed task force.
The fact that this woman was in Jaffna without any security to be with her ailing mother along with family members was conveniently suppressed.
Under these circumstances it is but natural for the media to focus on Maheswari’s EPDP links alone. Likewise the pro – tiger media gloats that an accomplice of EPDP ’s Douglas has been eliminated.
While it is correct to say that Maheswari was of the EPDP at the time of her murder it would be a gross injustice to the praiseworthy past and dedicated calibre of the woman if only the EPDP dimension in her life is highlighted.
Maheswari Velayutham has been involved with human rights and the Tamil cause from the seventies of the 20th century.
Ms. Velayutham had been through various trials and tribulations but not wavered from the original task of restoring lost Tamil rights and uplifting the community.
She was of the fast dwindling old guard in this respect and it is is with immense sadness that I recall the life and times of Maheswari Velayutham.
I came to know her in the seventies when she was a law student.Thereafter I was in touch with her occasionally but not regularly until the mid – nineties when I lost contact..
Maheswary who was born on July 17th 1955 hailed from a middle – class family in Karaveddy. Her father was attached to the CTB of old and was a popular figure among school children. Her mother was a school teacher at Vikneswara College.
There were ten children – three boys and seven girls – and Maheswari was the third. After studying at Vadamaratchy Hindu Ladies college she entered university and did her LLB.
She was the first student from that school to enter varsity for an LLB degree and received a special gold medal.Maheswari excelled in studies and sports and was head prefect.
She apprenticed under TULF president Murugesu Sivasithamparam who was also from Karaveddy.
The 1977 anti – Tamil violence saw some Tamils setting up the Tamil Refugee Rehabilitation Organization (TRRO) which is different from the present TRO linked to the LTTE.
Maheswari volunteered her services to the TRRO and also towards the legal work related to the Sansoni ommission inquiring into the 1977 violence. I came to know her better during this time.
The well – known human rights lawyer K. Kandasamy was closely involved with the TRRO and Sansoni Commission then. He was instrumental in starting the Jaffna based “Saturday Review”.
Maheswari used to travel frequently to Jaffna then to help with the TRRO and Saturday review.
That was a period when most printing presses in Jaffna were reluctant to publish pamphlets and leaflets related to the Tamil struggle for equal rights.
Maheswari used to display great courage and initiative by getting them across clandestinely to India through friends from Valvettithurai and getting them printed for distribution in Jaffna..
Actively engaged in human rights work , she was greatly concerned with the pathetic plight of Tamil youths being detained without trial on charges of alleged terrorism.
Several Tamil lawyers used to visit the Tamil detenues then. Maheswari was the only woman among them
A former Tamil detenue now in Canada told this writer with tears upon hearing of her demise “I will never forget how she used to visit us then and inquire after our well – being. She was the only ray of hope for us then”.
One of Maheswari’s brothers Satheeswaran ,a second year engineering undergrad was among those arrested unfairly and incarcerated for many tears for alleged links with the PLOTE. After his release he went to India and then to Britain where he obtained a doctorate.
The 1983 July anti – Tamil pogrom was a defining moment for many Tamils. Youths flocked to the militant movements. Most youths from Karaveddy – Udupiddy joined the TELO.
Maheswari’s younger brothers Vigneswaran and Ganeswaran also joined the TELO. Vignes who went under the nom de guerre “Kamban” was killed years later amidst mysterious circumstances in Colombo
Another sister and brother in law died amid tragic circumstances. She was electrocuted due to fall-out from an artillery shell while hanging out clothes to dry. The husband died trying to save the wife. Maheswari took the sister’s children under her wing.
Maheswari herself went over to Tamil Nadu after July 1983. Lawyer Kandasamy now in London set up a Tamil information centre in Madras and another in Madurai. Veteran journalist S. Sivanayagam ran the Madras TIC while Maheswari ran the one in Madurai.
This period was perhaps the finest phase of her life. She established contacts with a human rights organization run by Catholic priests from Tamil Nadu and began working with dedication.
She frequently visited the refugee camps and catered to the needs of the people. She also established wide contacts with the media and helped propagate the Tamil cause.
She was also helpful to many Tamils stranded in Tamil Nadu without a place of refuge or money to eat.
The Madurai TIC was also a forum where members of all Tamil armed groups used to meet. Maheswari was a friend to all the groups and acted impartially. This was a time when Maheswari Velayutham had become a popular personality in Madurai.
I remember a remark made by Kuppusamy of the United News of India when both of us were on the way to meet Maheswari at the Madurai TIC.He quipped then that more people flocked to see Maheswari than Meenakshi. .The Meenakshi temple is the most famous one in Madurai.
If this jovial crack was an indicator of Maheswari’s popularity another acidic comment by TULF President Sivasithamparam illustrated her growing clout.
The veteran lawyer was miffed with Maheswari over some issue and in my presence told former TULF Jaffna MP V. Yogeswaran sarcastically” Maheswari Velayutham will be the Attorney – General of Tamil Eelam”.
Maheswari Velayutham was a frank and fearless woman who spoke her mind out regardless of consequences. She quarrelled with TELO leader Sri Sabaratnam over the manner in which he handled the Bobby – Das factional feud.
She criticised Umamaheswaran and Jyotheeswaran of the PLOTE over the Santhathiyaar issue.
Maheswari also fell foul of the LTTE when she argued with Shankar and Ragu of the LTTE about the internecine warfare waged by the tigers.
The Madurai TIC began gradually folding up after the Indo – Lanka accord of 1987.
Maheswari then re-located to Chennai and began working with SC Chandrahasan who was running organizations like the PROTEG and OFERR that were catering to the needs of Sri Lankan Tamils.
It was on June 19th 1990 that Padmanabha and several other EPRLF members were killed by the LTTE in Chennai. It was Maheswari who raised the issue with then chief minister Muttuvel Karunanidhi and attended to the resultant problems.
Eventually Maheswari realised that the political situation had changed. She felt there was an urgent need to look after and fight for the inalienable human rights of the Tamils in Sri Lanka itself.
She returned to Colombo in the mid – nineties and started a Human Rights organization called the Forum for Human dignity. She focussed mainly on the issue of many Tamils being detained under the PTA
One of her achievements was in securing the release of many Tamils detained in Anuradhapura. This she did without charging a cent from the detenue families unlike many tiger lackey lawyers who parade as true Tamil patriots
It was Maheswari’s organization that devoted itself to cases of persons detained in Negombo under the immigration act. This she did for free and incurred the wrath of many colleagues charging exhorbitant fees.
It was also Maheswari who initiated legal action on behalf of some innocent persons arrested in connection with the Chandrika Kumaratunga assassination attempt.
Douglas Devananda used to help her organization financially and it was this that drew her to the EPDP gradually.
In fact Douglas was among those who persuaded her that she could be of more service to her people than in India.
It was however an act of callous brutality by the LTTE which made Maheswari throw in her lot firmly with Devananda.. This was in 1997 when she was concerned greatly with the detenues at Kalutara prison.
Some of the detenues had gone on a protest fast and endangered their health. Maheswari persuaded them to call of their fast. A few requested that Devananda visit them and formally end their fast.
Maheswari agreed and called Devananda who readily consented. But when they went to Kalutara they found themselves facing grave danger.
Another group of LTTE prisoners had crafted makeshift weapons and set upon Devananda when he went to their cell.
When Maheswari remonstrated and tried to stop the cowardly assault the LTTE mob began attacking her too. Both were rescued and Devananda was in critical condition. Emergency surgery was done and Douglas was saved but lost an eye permanently.
It was after this incident that Maheswari forged closer relations with the EPDP. The shared experience of facing treacherous death together may have established a bond.
When close friends queried her about her EPDP connections she used to tell them that nothing was perfect and that she was involved with the EPDP because she could be of service to the people.
Maheswari like Devananda was of the opinion that Tamil Eelam was a lost cause and that the need of the hour was to struggle peacefully for Tamil rights within a united Sri Lanka.
She also concentrated on the plight of Sri Lankan women exploited as housemaids in middle-eastern countries.
Later she contested the Jaffna district on the EPDP ticket. She would go campaigning without any security in the Vadamaratchy area. She was not elected but enjoyed much support among the socially oppressed Tamils of Ganpolla in Karaveddy.Sadly one of her assassins was a youth from this area.
In recent times she became more involved with the social services ministry and the EPDP. She used her position and influence to help poor, innocent Tamils facing many problems.
She also accompanied Devananda in his many meetings with foreign dignitaries. In addition she herself met with a number of people and sought assistance for the betterment of Tamils.
Her detractors from the LTTE camp relished calling her a Douglas acolyte.Those who knew her well realised that this was far from the truth. She was an independent ;free spirit who could not be dominated by anyone.
Knowing Maheswari’s sincerity and commitment to human rights I have always wondered how she could tolerate the killings done by EPDP hit squads in the North.
The only explanation seems to be that she was in a state of blissful ignorance. Her involvement with the party was about its positive aspects. The sordid , negative side remains a dark secret to many EPDP stalwarts in Sri Lanka and abroad.
It was this “ignorance” perhaps which impelled her to declare publicly that she was always a human rights activist and would never be involved in an organization committing human rights violations.
In spite of being on a tiger hit list she was quite careless about her security often travelling alone in trishaws in Colombo without any escort. This was due to her courage bordering on stupidity as well as her belief in divine providence.
She used to tell friends that no harm would befall her because she had not harmed anyone.
She became increasingly spiritual and was a disciple of Swami Chinmayananda. She also took to Yoga in a big way and helped establish Yoga centres.
Later on she became a devotee of another Indian Godman and had faith in the amulet given y him.
Maheswari also immersed herself in the rehabilitation and re-integration of former Tamil militants. This included members of several groups including the LTTE.
She remained unmarried.
There was only one true love in her life. Their romance was well – known in Karaveddy and everyone expected them to get married. But the man who later became a Police officer broke off the relationship and married his own cousin.
Thereafter Maheswari remained single and involved herself with human rights activism and fighting for Justice. She was however a truly liberated woman and lived her life as she wanted to on her own terms.
Given her ability and talents she could have minted money as a practising lawyer. She could also have gone abroad and made a new life for herself.
Instead of that she kept going on with the struggle to emancipate the Tamil people. Her dedication was sincere and absolute and certainly does not deserve the diatribes by tiger elements.
It was only last month that Fr. M.X.Karunaratnam, known as “kili” was killed. Now Maheswari called “Sinna Kili” has been killed in Jaffna. Both “kili” and “sinna Killi” were from Karaveddy. While LTTE supporters protested vehemently over the “kili Father”, but now the tigers have killed “sinna Kili” Maheswary.
Maheswari Velayutham belonged to the pioneering group of Tamil human rights activists. Whatever the ups and downs in her life she remained steadfast in her commitment and conviction.Her death is a great loss to the Tamil people.
The cowardly murder of Maheswari Velayutham must be condemned vehemently. My condolences to her family members.
The fascist terror enveloping the beleaguered Tamil community continues to snuff out the lives of intellectuals with leadership potential.
One by one the leading lights are extinguished. Darkness prevails everywhere. Will this cycle of violence diminishing the Tamil people ever cease?
DBS Jeyaraj can be reached at djeyaraj2005@yahoo.com
May 17th, 2008
Sleeping with the enemy who isn’t one
Reviewed by Salil Tripathi
According to the film director Jean-Luc Godard, a story should have a beginning, a middle, and an end-but not necessarily in that order. Godard had an important point: reality is messy and making sense may require connecting the dots, as we do with this first novel.
VV Ganeshananthan’s subject is Sri Lanka, the paradise island torn apart by fratricidal conflict since 1983 (or beyond, if you want to look for older hatreds). Ganeshananthan, an American of Sri Lankan (but Tamil) origin, mixes up the sequence, tossing before the reader shards of memories which look like pieces of broken bangles. But when we look at those broken bangles through her kaleidoscope, her twisting of the lens reveals patterns that make it possible to understand aspects of the conflict, even if the horrors cannot be excused.
Nothing is simple about the Sri Lankan conflict, in which (as the writer Suketu Mehta pointed out to me) nobody accuses Muslims of fanaticism, Hindus are suicide bombers, and Buddhists can be brutal. A global terrorism study found that Muslims did not lead the league table of suicide bombers; the Tamil Tigers did.
Ganeshananthan’s story is about one such Tamil Tiger, nearing death, permitted entry into Canada on compassionate grounds. His niece, Yalini, is the protagonist; Yalini’s cousin looks down upon her because of her Westernised ways. Yalini tries to make sense of the disjointed narratives surrounding her.
Through Yalini, Ganeshananthan introduces us to her extended family with the village at its centre, and its fraying with the onset of violence. The ailing uncle is memorable: Yalini has many reasons to be angry with him, not due to the battlefield violence, but because of emotional scars left behind. Yes, his wife died when a bomb exploded. But was she the bomber or the bombed?
Yalini wants to unravel the wounded family’s history through its unions. Each marriage is different in an infinitely subtle way. But the space between the “love marriage” and “arranged marriage” is filled with categories that bleed outside these neat boundaries: “the Self-Arranged Marriage, the Outside Marriage, the Cousin Marriage, the Village Marriage, the Marriage Abroad. There is the Marriage Under Pressure. There is even Marrying the Enemy, who, it turns out, is not the Enemy at all.”
Michael Ondaatje visited Sri Lankan brutality in Anil’s Ghost, about a forensic pathologist returning home to investigate abuses. Romesh Gunesekera dealt with its pain obliquely, in Reef and The Sandglass. Ganeshananthan focuses on the journey of one family, in the process painting a broader truth.
Courtesy: independent.uk
Buy now at Independent Books Direct:
Love Marriage, by VV Ganeshananthan
________________________________
In Canada: Chapter’s.indigo.ca
In U.S.A: Barnes and Noble
Author’s website: http://www.vasugi.com
May 15th, 2008
Full Text of National Peace Council of Sri Lanka Media Release:
The killing of Maheswari Velayutham takes away from the political community another strong personality who headed the Forum for Human Dignity and was also closely associated with the EPDP, a former Tamil militant organisation that is now with the government. She had escaped previous assassination attempts and was aware of the threats to her life, but this did not dissuade her from continuing her work for the rights of the people in Sri Lanka.The National Peace Council condemns the assassination of this activist who assisted victims of war and participated in programmes we organised and who shared her anguish about the war trap that the parties to the conflict were in. In addition, several accounts of human rights violations involving Tamils in the context of the war are being reported by the media.
A tragic example recently highlighted in the media is the rape of two teenage girls and the abduction of one of them in Kalmunai in the presence of their family on the day of the Eastern Provincial Council elections when the presence of security personnel in the area on guard duty was very high. The family alleges that armed men came in a white van who committed the crime on their children. When the mother went to the police station to make a complaint the police reportedly sent her away on the grounds that most officers were on election duty. Later that same night the men returned and took the elder girl away. She is missing since then. The report that the police refused to accept their complaint points to state culpability in the practice of impunity.
In addition, contradicting the claims that abductions and disappearances of Tamils in Colombo have come to an end is the disappearance and abduction in the heart of Colombo of Sinnathurai Varatharajan, a highly reputed tuition master from Jaffna and his cousin. They were allegedly taken away by armed men in uniform who came in a white van. Witnesses were told that they were being taken away for questioning, but they have not reappeared. The National Peace Council appeals to the government to ascertain their whereabouts and ensure their safe return to their families.
We also call on the government to re-organise the security apparatus so that human rights violations listed above do not take place with impunity. The Government should do away with the culture of impunity. It is the bounden duty of any state to protect all its citizens. The state by its failure to protect Tamil civilians may give a message to the world that it is the state of the ethnic majority and excludes the Tamils which can bolster the claim to a separate state among the International community.
Finally, we appeal to the government to immediately release senior journalist and human rights activist, J S Tissainayagam, who has now been in government custody for over-Mr Tissainayagam was detained on the allegation that he had connections with the LTTE. But so far the government has not charged him in a court of law. During the period of the Ceasefire Agreement and peace process from 2002-06, there were many, especially journalists, who made contact with the LTTE for legitimate and peaceful purposes.
As the country prepares to celebrate the holy day of Vesak, we cannot forget that Lord Buddha preached compassion and respect not only for human life but also for the lives of animals. May the spirit of compassion enter the hearts of our country’s decision makers, and may the wisdom of our religious tradition guide them to show their compassion to the victims of human rights abuses, and motivate to solve the country’s problems without harming the lives of innocent Tamil civilians.
Executive Director
On behalf of the Governing Council
National Peace Council of Sri Lanka
May 15th, 2008
by D.B.S. Jeyaraj
The controversial election to the Eastern Provincial Council is over but the controversy over the chief minister (CM)appointment is not over.
Speculation whether the new CM will be Pillaiyan, M.L.A.M. Hizbullah or some other is somewhat absurd because in a sense the issue really does not matter.
Regardless of who becomes de jure Eastern chief minister the de facto chief minister will be none other than national list MP Basil Rajapakse.
[Basil Rajapakse]
The Presidential sibling who calls the shots in matters concerning the East will be the unofficial Viceroy of the province.
The result of the first ever election to the Eastern provincial council was a foregone conclusion even before the poll was held.
There was no way that the Rajapakse regime would lose it. The Government had to win it whatever the cost.
If a Government victory was a “known” the only two “unknowns” were firstly the methods to be used by the Government and secondly the final figures of voting.
How will the verdict be engineered?
What will it be?
[M.L.A. M. Hizbullah]
The Government contesting under the betel symbol as the United Peoples Freedom Alliance (UPFA)got 308, 886 votes and 18 seats. It also got two bonus seats thus making it’s overall tally 20 out of a 37 member council.
The Chief opposition United National Party (UNP) obtained 250,232 entitling it to fifteen seats. The Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) got 9,390 votes and one seat. The Tamil Democratic National Alliance (TDNA) with 7,714 votes got one seat.
The district break down was as follows. Amparai district that has fourteen seats saw the UPFA with 144, 247 getting eight and the UNP with 121,272 obtaining six..
Batticaloa district with eleven seats saw the UPFA getting six with 105,341 votes and the UNP getting four with 58,602 votes. The TDNA consisting of the EPRLF (Naba), PLOTE and TULF got one seat.
Trincomalee with ten seats saw the UNP with 70, 858 votes getting five seats and the UPFA with 59,298 votes obtaining four. The JVP also got a seat in Trinco district.
Apart from the ruling Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) other parties contesting as part of the UPFA were the break-away tiger faction known as the Tamil Makkal Viduthalaip Puligal (TMVP), the National Unity Alliance (NUA), The All Ceylon Muslim Congress (ACMC) and the National Congress.
The Sri Lanka Muslim Congress contested in all districts under the UNP elephant symbol.
Both the UPFA and UNP fielded multi-ethnic candidates. These lists reflected the multi – ethnic demography of the Eastern province.
[Pillaiyan, a candidate for the post of Chief Minister for Eastern provincial council is seen in his office in Batticaloa, via Yahoo! AP Photo/Gemunu Amarasinghe]
This however did not remove the “communalism” factor. Ethnicity and region played an important role both overt and covert in the hustings.
The stakes in terms of real politik were immense for the Rajapakse regime. The 75% Tamil speaking “kizhakku” province officially referred to in Sinhala as “nagena hira” is the jewel in this government’s military conquest crown.
This government has derived much political mileage out of the fact that the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) organization was driven out of the east and that the province has been liberated from tiger clutches.
The logical follow-up to this conquest was to rehabilitate, re-construct and develop the province.
Making a showpiece out of the liberated east is a pre-requisite in demonstrating that the province is well under Government control and that the people appreciate the fact.
Colombo also requires much international assistance and financial investment to re-construct and develop the East.
Some countries including India have expressed willingness to provide such aid.
One condition however was that the East should have its own provincial administration. The development should be initiated and co-ordinated regionally and not from Colombo it was emphasised.
This necessitated the setting up of either an interim advisory council or re-activating an elected provincial council.
The Rajapakse regime opted for polls due to a number of reasons.
Chief among them was the desire to concretise the de-merger and “Sinhalaise” the province.
The Rajapakse regime deeply infuenced by the Sinhala supremacists has been blatantly open about its eastern agenda.
One of its objectives was to de-link the Tamil dominated Northern Province and Tamil majority eastern province.
Both had been “temporarily” merged in terms of the Indo-Lanka accord of July 29th 1987.
When the Supreme Court ruled that the merger was invalid due to procedural flaws the Government always had the option of re-merging it through appropriate action.
There was also the option of letting the status quo prevail till a better alternative was found.
Instead the government went ahead with the de-merging process.The government wanted to ensure that the de-merged east remains permanently separate.
Effective de- linking was necessary to usher in “Sinhalaisation” of the east. So retired military officials and experienced administrators subscribing to the “sinhalaisation” agenda were given key appointments.
What then is the not so hidden “Sinhalaisation” agenda of the Rajapakse regime?
This writer has referred to it in these columns on previous occasions. Nevertheless it is important to note the contours of this project at this juncture.
An earlier politico – military objective of previous regimes was to interdict the territorial contiguity of the Northern and Eastern provinces/.The creation of the Weli – Oya/Manal aaru region consisting of areas from the Mullaitheevu, Trincomalee, Vavuniya and Anuradhapura districts was the chief component of this strategy.
This Government however has expanded and enlarged this strategy. If a new district is to be created out of Weli-Oya/ Manal Aaru a Constitutional amendment is required. The regime does not have two-thirds majority in Parliament for such an amendment.
But then this Government is resolved to go beyond the confines of a mere district. Instead of creating a new district to interdict contiguity of both provinces the Rajapakse regime is determined to alter the demographic structure of an entire province.
At the turn of the twentieth century 55% of the East was Tamil, 40 % Muslim and 4 % Sinhala. Thanks mainly to state-aided colonisation schemes the population ratio at the turn of the twenty-first century was 38 % Tamil, 36 % Muslim and 26 % Sinhala.
The idea now is to alter this ration further. The Sinhala population is to be increased in the Trincomalee and Amparai districts so that within a few years the single largest ethnicity in both districts would be Sinhala.
Currently the Muslims are the largest ethnicity in both districts but no single ethnicity is a clear majority. If the Sinhalaisation agenda gets underway the Sinhala community will be more than 50 % in both districts. The Tamils and Muslims will be a minority.
The Batticaloa district will remain a Tamil majority district but there will be an enhanced Sinhala presence. The Kudumbimalai/Thoppigala region along with areas like Thirukonamadhu and Vaaganeri will be Sinhalaised. Eventually the Sinhala community will be the second largest ethnicity in Batticaloa district.
Thus the “Sinhalaisation” agenda will ensure that the single largest ethnicity in the East would be the Sinhalese. Given the current ethnic ratio where the Sinhala people are only one – fourths of the province such a possibility may seem remote.
But the demographic ratio can be altered rapidly and drastically if and when the Sinhalaisation agenda is implemented with vigorous gusto. In that case the goal may be reached by 2015.At the latest 2025
Already hard line Sinhala Buddhist organizations have compiled lists of people willing to re-locate to the East if and when the correct conditions are created.
The process will be expedited when the re-construction and development projects are underway and the total security of the east is guaranteed.
The induction of new Sinhala settlers from the South into the eastern province will rely mainly on an “encroachment approach”.
Already an extensive road and highway network is being constructed and developed in Trincomalee district.
Thereafter Sinhala settlers will be brought in as “officially sanctioned unofficial encroachers” and settled with the help of the military.
After a short period their encroachments will be legalised through both the Provincial and central administration.
Similarly as and when development projects get started much of the labour would be brought in from outside though local Muslim and Tamil residents will also get some jobs for cosmetic reasons.
For this “sinhalaisation” agenda to succeed militarisation is necessary. This has been done to a great extent after the LTTE was driven out.
Recruiting Sinhala youths into the armed forces or auxiliary forces is also being done.
The setting up of a provincial council controlled by the regime would help the military consolidate its hold on the province.
Though there woud be a nominal civil administration the security forces will wield real power. The elected administration will simply toe the line.
But for the strategy to succeed in the long term ,extensive investment and development projects are needed.
Only then can the economy be sustained and new influx of people accomodated. It is here that an elected provincial administration is very necessary.
Portraying the Provincial council as a harbinger of change and engine of economic growth ,foreign investment, aid and assistance will be procured. India is expected to provide much help to develop the east .
A key component of this development strategy will be agriculture and tourism. The extensive lands in the East will be handed over to International agro – business concerns.
A pliable provincial council would be helpful in this land alienation.
Apart from these issues the holding of an eastern provincial poll also ensures that the de – merger stays in place.
If the provinces are to be re – merged the Eastern provincial council must first pass a resolution. Thereafter the President may hold a referendum if deemed necessary.
A govt controlled Council will not support a merger conditional or otherwise. In fact it may pass a resolution welcoming the de-merger.
There is also the need to demonstrate the Government’s success in winning the war against “terror”.
Enthroning the LTTE break-away faction TMVP in the provincial administration can be cited as proof that the eastern Tamil people are firmly behind the Government.
Against this backdrop it was imperative from the government’s perspective that the UPFA should win the Eastern PC. Whatever the cost it had to be done.
There was no alternative and there was no way in which the opposition would have been allowed to win.
Realising that a government victory was a foregone conclusion this column virtually ignored the eastern polls in the past.
This column did not go through the motions of analysing or speculating about the electoral campaign.
While it was certain that the Government would win the uncertain aspects were the methodolgy to be used and the margin of victory.
The architecht of the UPFA victory was Basil Rajapakse. He is the master puppeteer who pulled all the puppet strings in this mock show.
Initially the Government wanted to conduct a free and fair election.The polls required political credibility both nationally and internationally. So the government was keen on a flaw – free poll.
Basil devised an incredible campaign strategy.
Many of us have heard or read the story about the boatman who had to ferry a tiger, goat and a cabbage in his boat.
He could only take two at a time across the water. If left alone together, the tiger would have killed the goat or the goat would have devoured the cabbage. So the boatman did more than one trip to ferry them across.
In this case Basil brought within UPFA folds the Sinhala Buddhist extremist Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU) the Pillaiyan led TMVP and various Muslim parties. They all had different and competing interests.
Unlike the boatman in the fable “Apey” Basil adopted a different tactic. He promised the chief minister post to both the Muslims and the Tamils if either side got the most number of votes.
It was like the boatman in the story telling the tiger and goat they would get to devour what they wanted if they helped get the boat across.
Basil Rajapakse’s campaign strategy may have worked well if not for the Muslim Congress.
Since the pro – LTTE Tamil National Alliance had been intimidated to the extent of keeping out of the polls the “Tamil” field was clear for the Government.
The TMVP, EPDP, TDNA, EDF etc were all Tamil parties either with the government or pro – government.
The TMVP was relied upon on to terrify voters through subtle and indirect means. Also ethnic differences with Muslims were to be exploited. Stationing TMVP members at each Police post was a deliberate move to frighten Tamils.
The TMVP also engaged in psychological warfare to terrify the Tamil people.
Basil enticed Muslim leaders like Hizbullah in “B’caloa district, Azeez in Amparai district and “thideer” Thowfeek in Trincomalee district from SLMC to UPFA ranks. They were made candidates.
The personal influence of people like Athaullah, Ferial Ashraff, Ameer Ali, Najeeb Abdul Majeed, etc along with that of the Respective Muslim candidates was expected to sway the Muslim vote.
The Government was very confident about the Sinhala vote. The development work done in Trincomalee and the integration of Sinhala civilians into the military effort was enought to attract the bulk of Sinhala votes in that district.
In Amparai former UNP strongman P. Dayaratne was with the government now. Itt was felt that the party with its lackluster leadership would not be able to galvanize enough votes.
As for the Tamils and Muslims the strategy was quite cynical. A multi – ethnic list if handled correctly could have helped promote inter-ethnic amity. But here it was different.
By promising the Tamils and Muslims the chief minister post much ethnic enmity and competition was promoted. It was a divisive and not a unifying approach.
The UPFA may have won the election without resorting to fraudulent means but for three or four factors.
Firstly the Muslim Congress and UNP were able to strike a deal and the SLMC took the bold step of contesting under the elephant and not its own tree symbol.
Secondly the unexpected twist of SLMC stalwarts Rauff Hakeem, Basheer Segu Dawood and Hasan Ali resigning their Parliamentary seats and contesting in the Trinco, B’caloa and Amparai districts respectively, electrified the Muslim masses. The opposition charge about the SLMC abandoning the tree symbol did not make an effective impact
Thirdly there was the welcome sign of many Tamils being ready to defy the dictates of the TMVP and avoid being lured by Government promises. Many Tamils stayed away and also spoiled their votes. But many were prepared to vote against the government and did vote for the UNP.
Fourthly some Tamils if not all were ready to sink their ethnic differences and vote for Muslim candidates in the UNP. This was visible particularly in the case of Hakeem and to a lesser extent with Basheer.
In such a situation intelligence reports procured by the Government indicated that the UNP would edge out the UPFA if a free poll was held.
The UNP would come second in getting Sinhala votes but would get more Muslim and come close in getting substantial Tamil votes it was reported.
Thus the Government had to resort to other means to win. Muslim gangs were brought from Puttalam to “facilitate” electoral work in the east.The TMVP also engaged in its own tactics. But due to the spotlight being on the TMVP and the over confidence that the fear factor had terrorised Tamils the ex-tigers could not engage in large scale rigging.
Sections of the Police and even armed forces “helped” the UPFA on election day.
Thus the UNP-SLMC combine came second in getting Sinhala and Tamil votes but was ahead in getting more Muslim votes.
The SLMC and UNP have protested strongly about electoral malpractices and alleged that the election was not free and fair. More details of the fraudulent methods used will come to light in the coming weeks.
There is much truth in these complaints and allegations. The eastern provincial council poll was a flawed one. Statements endorsing the fairness of the poll by partisan election monitors lack credibility in this respect.
The silver lining in this dark cloud scenario is the Trincomalee, Muthur and Kalmunai electoral division results. Trincomalee town and environs, Kinniya, Kalmunai and Saithamaruthu etc have been places where a substantial number of votes were cast for the UNP.
In such areas of groundswell votes the scope for vote rigging has been less.The vote tampering was more in the rural regions and also places where the competition was close and intense.
Despite fervent efforts by the UPFA to “garner” votes through unorthodox methods the UNP-SLMC combine won Trincomalee district.
This shows that whtever the pressure tactics an overwhelming expression of public opinion can defeat authoritarianism and tyranny.
Now the speculation is about who the chief minister will be. Is it Hizbullah or Pillaiyan? The chances are that Pillaiyan may be CM for 2 years and then a Muslim would be appointed on a rotational basis. It could be the other way about too.
Pillaiyan’s prospects are brighter not because he is a Tamil but because he could be a greater puppet than Hizbullah.
It is tragi-comic to see both Pillaiyan and Hizbullah claiming that their respective communities have brought in more votes for the government.
In short the Tamil and Muslim puppets are proudly boasting about having served their Sinhala master puppeteer better.
It does not matter whether Pillaiyan or Hizbullah or someone else becomes eastern chief minister.Real power will be in Basil Rajapakse’s hands.
There will be de-jure Chief ministers but the de-facto CM will be Basil Rajapakse. The President’s brother would be like the viceroy of the east.
Pillaiyan or Hizbullah, Basil is the sun around which the eastern provincial council will revolve in the future.
There may be many projects in the pipeline and the gravy train could indeed be long The moolah to be made will be more than ten percent.
DBS Jeyaraj can be reached on djeyaraj2005@yahoo.com
May 13th, 2008
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