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April 30, 2009

Canada uniquely positioned to reactivate and support constructive forms of engagement in Sri Lanka

Statement on Sri Lanka by International and Canadian Academics

We are writing to express our grave concerns about the humanitarian catastrophe unfolding in the “safe zone” in the Vanni region of Sri Lanka. Most independent observers estimate that more than 200,000 Tamil civilians, many already displaced multiple times, have been under siege in the tiny coastal strip with at least 50,000 still there. Confirmed reports indicate that more than 6,400 civilians, including 700 children, have been killed since January 2009.

Displaced persons who have managed to flee the fighting have been placed in de facto detention camps by the Sri Lankan government where they are denied freedom of movement, in contravention of international standards. There are over 40,000 displaced people being held in 13 sites in the Vavuniya District in overcrowded conditions without adequate access to healthcare, food and water. There are reports of rape, torture and killings in the camps (Medico International, Germany, April 16, 2009). Civilians who are suspected of LTTE ties have been taken into government custody, leading to fears of enforced disappearances and extrajudicial killings, tactics the government and its allied militias have employed in significant numbers over the past few years (Amnesty International, ASA 37/004/2009).

Recent artillery attacks by Sri Lankan forces have indiscriminately targeted civilians and civilian objects, in contravention of international humanitarian law. There are credible reports that the Sri Lankan army may be using illegal cluster bombs as well as thermobaric bombs in the safe zone with high civilian casualties. There have been more than two dozen incidents of artillery shelling or aerial bombardment on or near hospitals, in flagrant violation of the Geneva Conventions. The presence of wounded combatants in hospitals does not turn them into legitimate targets. Deliberately attacking a hospital is a war crime. At the same time we deplore the LTTE’s forcible recruitment of civilians, including children, for untrained military duty and for labour in the combat zones as well as its practice of forcing civilians to retreat with its forces, deliberately preventing civilians under its effective control from fleeing to safety. Nevertheless, violations of the laws of war by one side to a conflict do not justify violations by the opposing side. They do not permit the indiscriminate use of force by the Sri Lankan forces in response (Human Rights Watch, 20 Februrary 2009).

The overall human rights situation in Sri Lanka has deteriorated dramatically since the current government assumed power in 2006. The Sri Lankan government has utilized the “war on Terror” as a cover to systematically destroy all democratic processes and institutions. Sri Lanka was ranked 165th out of 173 countries in the ‘Reporters Without Borders’ 2008 press freedom index, the lowest ranking of any democratic country. Political opponents and journalists with critical views are subject to threats, intimidation and assassination. The culture of impunity has been institutionalized. In an effort to shield its own actions from public scrutiny, the Sri Lankan government has barred most humanitarian agencies, independent observers and journalists from the conflict zones. As a result there is a lack of timely information about the situation of the trapped civilians as well as severe shortfalls in humanitarian assistance.

The government of Sri Lanka continues to justify its actions as necessary to achieve an imminent victory over “Tamil terrorism.” However, as long as the human rights of the Tamil minority are subject to systematic violation, the conflict will persist and the LTTE will garner support from Tamils in both Sri Lanka and the diaspora, despite its proscription by various Western countries, including Canada.

There is a critical need for international solidarity in the face of this immediate catastrophe. We believe that the government of Canada has a special responsibility to act to bring about an end to violations of international law and to make a significant contribution to a political resolution of this conflict. As host to the largest Tamil diaspora outside of Sri Lanka, Canada should assume a proactive role in promoting and supporting efforts aimed at resolving the legitimate grievances of the Tamil people including recognition of their right to self-determination. The world-wide Tamil diaspora is strongly represented and plays an important role in the life of many of our cities; their concerns should be our concerns too.

The previous government supported an advisory role for the Canadian Forum of Federations in Sri Lanka while the current government appointed a representative to the International Independent Group of Eminent Persons (IIGEP) with a mandate to observe investigations into human rights abuses (the IIGEP withdrew from Sri Lanka in March 2008 in the face of Sri Lanka’s failure to meet even the basic minimum standards in probing rights abuses). Canada is uniquely positioned to reactivate and support such constructive forms of engagement.

We therefore call on the Government of Canada to:

•Work with both parties to the conflict to implement an immediate and comprehensive ceasefire.

•Urge the International community and the UN to take responsibility for the protection of Tamil civilians.

•Urge the UN Security Council to authorize timely and decisive measures to halt mass atrocities in the Vanni region of Sri Lanka, including the dispatch of a special envoy to the region, and the creation of a commission of inquiry into crimes under international law committed by any person or entity.

•Demand that the government of Sri Lanka remove restrictions imposed on access to the conflict zone for humanitarian workers and media and permit international observers in the detention camps.

•Demand that the LTTE allow civilians to continue to leave the conflict area.

•Initiate internationally mediated efforts aimed at achieving a durable political solution to the conflict in Sri Lanka.

Signed by:

Nuzhat Abbas, Toronto
Maita Abola Sayo,York University
Lyn Adamson
Greg Albo, Professor,York University
Tariq Amin-Khan, Assistant Professor, Ryerson University
Benjamin Baader, Assistant Professor, University of Manitoba
Zaheer Baber, Professor, University of Toronto
Reem Bahdi, Professor, University of Windsor
Tanya Basok, University of Windsor
Andrew Biro, Assistant Professor, Acadia University
Malcolm Blincow, Associate Professor, York University
Raoul Boulakia, Lawyer, Toronto
Mark Bradley, UQAM
Mike Burke, Associate Professor, Ryerson University
Laura Cameron, Associate Professor and Canada Research Chair, Queen's University
R. Cheran, Assistant Professor, University of Windsor
Tanya Chung Tiam Fook,York University
Francis Cody, Assistant Professor, University of Toronto
Janet Conway, Associate Professor, Brock University
Kendra Coulter, University of Windsor
Carol Lynne D'Arcangelis, Instructor, Ryerson University
Radhika Desai, Professor, University of Manitoba
Susan Drummond, Professor, York University
Robin E. Feenstra, McGill University
Christoph Emmrich, Assistant Professor, University of Toronto
Bryan Evans, Associate Professor, Ryerson University
Pascale Fournier, Assistant Professor, University of Ottawa
Evan Fox-Decent, Assistant Professor, McGill University
Victoria Freeman, University of Toronto
Doreen Fumia, Assistant Professor, Ryerson University
Grace-Edward Galabuzi, Associate Professor, Ryerson University
Glynis George, Associate Professor, University of Windsor
Wenona Giles, Professor, York University
Sam Gindin, York University
Harry Glasbeek, Professor Emeritus and Senior Scholar, Osgoode Hall Law School
Avvy Go, Director, Metro Toronto Chinese and Southeast Asian Legal Clinic
Ellen Goldberg, Professor, Queen's University
Rebecca Granovsky-Larsen, Ryerson University
Ricardo Grinspun, Associate Professor, York University
Gayle Gross, The NIA Group, LLC
Victoria Gross, The NIA Group, LLC
Tanya Gulliver, York University
Shubhra Gururani, Associate Professor, York University
Denise Hammond, CUPE
Sharryn J. Aiken, Assistant Professor Queen's University
Barbara Jackman, Jackman & Associates, Barristers and Solicitors
Kajri Jain, Assistant Professor, University of Toronto
Amina Jamal, Assistant Professor, Ryerson University
Donna Jeffery, Associate Professor, University of Victoria
Ilan Kapoor, Associate Professor, York University
RM Kennedy, Centennial College
Samantha King, Assistant Professor, Queen's University
Gary Kinsman, Professor, Laurentian University
Mustafa Koc, Associate Professor, Ryerson University
Joy Kogawa
Jane Ku, Assistant Professor, University of Windsor
Anton Kuerti
Lee Lakeman, Vancouver Rape Relief and Women's Shelter
Jack Layton, Leader, New Democratic Party of Canada
Genevieve LeBaron, Professor, York University
Jean Lee
N. Gitanjali Lena, Lawyer
Eleanor MacDonald, Associate Professor, Queen’s University
Audrey Macklin, Professor, University of Toronto
Ali Mallah, Canadian Peace Alliance/Canadian Arab Federation
Elizabeth May, Leader, Green Party of Canada
Susan McGrath, Associate Professor, York University
Pat McKendry
Susan McNaughton, York University
Adele Mercier, Professor, Queen's University
Nchamah Miller, Network of Latin American Investigators for Democracy and Peace
Srimoyee Mitra, SAVAC
Kevin Moloney, York University
Colin Mooers, Professor, Ryerson University
Khaled Mouammar, National President, Canadian Arab Federation
Katharine N. Rankin, Associate Professor, University of Toronto
Mary-Jo Nadeau, Trent University
Mera Nirmalan-Nathan, Ontario Public Interest Research Group
Peter Nyers, Associate Professor, McMaster University
Obiora Okafor, Professor, York University
Leo Panitch, Distinguished Research Professor, Canada Research Chair, York University
Stephen Pender, Associate Professor, University of Windsor
Steve Pitt
Srilata Raman, Assistant Professor, University of Toronto
Narda Razack, Associate Professor, York University
Judy Rebick, Gindin Chair in Social Justice and Democracy, Ryerson University
Darryl Robinson, Assistant Professor, Queen's University
Stephanie Ross, Assistant Professor, York University
Carole Roy, St. Francis Xavier University
Andre Schmid, Associate Professor, University of Toronto
Craig Scott, Professor of Law, Director, Nathanson Centre on Transnational Human Rights, Crime and Security, Osgoode Hall Law School
Alan Sears, Associate Professor, Ryerson University
Mitu Sengupta, Assistant Professor, Ryerson University
Tyler Shipley, York University
Sadeqa Siddiqui, Centre Communautaire des Femmes Sud-Asiatique, Montreal
Preethy Sivakumar,York University
Haema Sivanesan, SAVAC
Jamie Smith, York University
Susanne Soederberg, Associate Professor and Canada Research Chair in Global Political Economy, Queen’s University
Aparna Sundar, Assistant Professor, Ryerson University
Donald Swartz, Associate Professor, Carleton University
Cheryl Teelucksingh, Associate Professor, Ryerson University
Vimalesan Thasan, York University
Nishant Upadhyay, York University
Ravi Vaitheespara, Associate Professor, University of Manitoba
Chris Vance, York University
Heather Vidito, CUPE
Karen Walker, York University
Rosemary Warskett, Associate Professor, Carleton University
Mel Watkins, Professor Emeritus, University of Toronto
Melissa Autumn White, York University
Cynthia Wright, York University
Jesse Zimmerman, York University

Endorsed By:

Elizabeth Allen, Massey University, New Zealand
Gnana K. Bharathy, Assistant Professor, Old Dominion University, USA
Anne M. Blackburn, Cornell University, USA
Piya Chatterjee, Associate Professor, University of California Riverside, USA
Lawrence Cohen, Professor, University of California Berkeley, USA
E. Valentine Daniel, Professor, Columbia University
Öivind Fuglerud, Professor, University of Oslo, Norway
Anita Hillestad, Norway
Paul Knight, Massey University, New Zealand
Ram Mahalingam, Associate Professor, University of Michigan, USA
Dennis McGilvray, Associate Professor, University of Colorado at Boulder, USA
Mr. J.B.P. More, Institute for Research in Social Sciences and Humanities
Kathleen Morley, Professor, University of Oslo, Norway
Madhusree Mukerjee
Tove Nicolaisen, Professor, University of Oslo, Norway
Lalsangkima Pachuau, Associate Professor, Asbury Theological Seminary, USA
Peter Schalk, Professor, Uppsala University, USA
Janikke Solstad Vedeler, Norwegian Social Research
Jonas M.N. Sørensen, Norway
Margaret Trawick, Professor, Massey University, New Zealand
Padma Venkataraman, MANGAI - Theatreperson
Sita Venkateswar, Massey University, New Zealand
Mark Whitaker, Professor, University of South Carolina, USA

Britain's foreign secretary David Miliband accused of policy based on LTTE propaganda

Sri Lanka's defence minister Gotabaya Rajapaksa has launched an angry verbal attack on Britain's foreign secretary David Miliband, accusing him of basing his policy on Tamil Tiger propaganda:

By Dean Nelson in Colombo

Speaking to the Daily Telegraph, the president's brother raged at the co-ordinated pressure being put on his government by the international community and singled out this week's visit of Mr Miliband and Bernard Kouchner, his French counterpart, as a "waste of time".

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[Britain's foreign secretary David Miliband with President Mahinda Rajapaksa, Apr 29th in Colombo]

He spoke after reports of a "stand up row" between him and Mr Miliband during a meeting in Colombo in which the Foreign Secretary was trying to persuade the Sri Lankan government to declare a ceasefire to allow civilians trapped in the fighting to leave.

Mr Rajapaksa, who is known as a passionate and feisty advocate of completely crushing the Tamil Tigers and capturing its leadership, said Mr Miliband had interrupted him during their meeting.

"Maybe it's his way but I don't mind his attitude or his ways. My issue is the present situation and why he should interfere in these things. That's what I told him. People in this country approve of what the president is doing and a leader must listen to people in his own country not the foreign minister of the UK," he said.

On the eve of Mr Miliband’s visit to Sri Lanka, Colombo denied a visa to Carl Bildt, Sweden’s foreign minister, who was hoping to join the peace mission, sparking a row with the European Union.

A Sri Lankan foreign ministry official indicated that Colombo felt it had already done enough by letting in Miliband and Kouchner.

Mr Rajapaksa said Britain and other members of the international community were now plaguing Sri Lanka with "unnecessary" visits to please the Tamil communities in their own countries but had not been so vocal when the Tamil Tigers had assassinated top Sri Lankan politicians and innocent civilians.

"In Mr Miliband's constituency there are many Tamils and they want to save the LTTE leadership, not civilians. It's a joke. We have proved we can save these civilians by rescuing 200,000. So why so many foreign ministers in this indecent hurry?

"When Prabhakaran [the LTTE leader] killed so many innocent civilians, no foreign minister came or put pressure on the LTTE. Where was Mr Miliband? What happened to him? Was he sleeping? We're just wasting our time with these dignitaries and VIPs coming to this country over and over again because of your internal problem to satisfy their [Tamil] diaspora," he said.

The two men had apparently clashed when Mr Miliband said he had received reports that army shelling was killing civilians. Mr Rajapaksa accused him in turn of believing BBC reports which he claimed were influenced by Tamil Tiger propaganda.

The British High Commission in Colombo denied it had been a row but admitted there had been an "open and frank exchange of views and strong opinions were aired".

A spokesman for Mr Miliband said he was not aware of there being a Tamil community in the Foreign Secretary's South Shields constituency.

"I take some exception to the suggestion that the Prime Minister, David Miliband, Bernard Kouchner, Hillary Clinton or the ministers of the G8 and European Union are motivated in this by electoral politics rather than genuine humanitarian concern," he said.

It is not the first time Mr Miliband has upset government ministers during a foreign trip. Earlier this year, the Indian Government lodged a complaint about his "aggressive" and "arrogant" manner during a visit to the country. A senior official spokesman said the Government had been irritated by the Foreign Secretary's attitude, adding: "He did not come across as the foreign minister of a friendly nation". [courtesy: Daily Telegraph]

AM 640 Audio and in Pictures: Toronto Tamil demonstration

University Ave. was reopened on Apr 30th to traffic more than four days after a group of Tamils blocked off a section of it to demand international intervention in the Sri Lankan civil war.

Several Canadian media outlets continue to widely cover the Sri Lankan situation and here is one such broadcasts, aired today on Toronto's AM 640 Radio. An interview with Bandula Jayasekara, Consulate General of Sri lanka in Toronto and Manjula Selvarajah from the Tamil community, on the John Oakley Show:

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"John Oakley is widely considered to be one of Canada's pre-eminent talk-radio hosts"

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Stop the Killing of Tamils in Sri Lanka

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Spreading Awareness

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Line up for donuts

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Stop the Genocide in Sri Lanka

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Tamil Demonstration. STOP THE GENOCIDE IN SRI LANKA

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Cops on horses with knee pads

[Pictures and captions by: Paul Koniec]

April 29, 2009

Mullivaaikkaal Hospital hit as shelling continues

by D.B.S. Jeyaraj

While there has been no Aerial bombardment , sporadic artillery and heavy mortar fire has continued in the tiny strip of territory in the Karaithuraipatru AGA division in the Northern Mullaitheevu district on Wednesday April 29th 2009.

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[in Mullivaaikkaal, Apr 29]

A tragic consequence of the shelling has been the incident where shells fell on the makeshift hospital in Mullivaaikkaal in the 10 sq Km area controlled by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) resulting in the death of nine patients. Further injuries were inflicted on another fifteen patients admitted to hospital for treatment. [click here to read the article in full ~ in dbsjeyaraj.com]

US acts to delay IMF loan to Sri Lanka - officials

By Arshad Mohammed

WASHINGTON, April 29 (Reuters) - The United States has decided to delay a $1.9 billion International Monetary Fund loan to Sri Lanka to try to pressure Colombo to do more to help civilians caught in the fighting between the government and Tamil Tiger rebels, U.S. officials said on Wednesday.

The officials, who spoke on condition they not be named, said the Obama administration last week conveyed its view to other members of the IMF board, which has yet to formally consider the loan.

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[Displaced Tamil civilians watch as unseen French and British Foreign Ministers, Bernard Kouchner and David Miliband arrive at a camp in Chettikulam, Apr 29, 2009-getty images]

The U.S. stance does not appear to have had any impact on the government so far in its battle to capture the last redoubt of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), which have been fighting a 25-year war for a separate ethnic Tamil homeland.

U.S. officials say the government has done too little to protect the civilians in the war zone and has failed to allow in sufficient international aid workers to care for the tens of thousands who have left.

The civilians, estimated by the United Nations to number as many as 50,000, are caught in a tiny LTTE-held area on Sri Lanka's northeast coast, which the military says is down to just 2 square miles (5 square kilometres).

The British and French foreign ministers urged Sri Lanka to implement a humanitarian ceasefire with the rebels to allow tens of thousands of trapped civilians to escape the battle zone. They also urged the rebels to let the civilians leave.

Sri Lanka's ambassador to the United States, Jaliya Wickramasuriya, said the government has generally come to oppose cease-fires, arguing that the rebels have used them in the past to "regroup, rearm, reposition."

He also said the government's primary concern was protecting civilians, arguing it had ceased using heavy weaponry and was proceeding slowly and "defensively" to try to release civilians from the area with minimal casualties.

MILITARY VICTORY, POLITICAL PEACE

"We are fighting against terrorism," Wickramasuriya said in an interview, likening the Sri Lankan push against LTTE leader Vellupillai Prabhakaran to the U.S. effort to capture Osama bin Laden, whose al Qaeda group carried out the Sept. 11 attacks.

"If bin Laden is trapped in Afghanistan, we don't want (the) U.S. to give him a ceasefire," he said. "In the same way, if Prabhakaran is trapped in Sri Lanka, we don't want anybody to tell us to give (him) a ceasefire."

The Tigers say the government claim to have ended heavy weapons use is a sham, and that artillery and air strikes continue to cause scores of civilian deaths, with 20 killed when a makeshift hospital was shelled on Wednesday.

Verifying claims from the battle zone, where 50,000 troops face an estimated few hundred to few thousand remaining rebel fighters among far more civilians, is difficult given lack of access and independent sources on the ground.

"The problem, from our vantage point, is that the Sri Lankans have refused to engage on the humanitarian crisis as a priority," said one U.S. official. Delaying an IMF loan "is an attempt to get their priorities back where they should be."

However, U.S. officials said Washington could ultimately support the loan if Columbo addressed the humanitarian issues or it concluded preventing the loan was counter-productive.

"I don't think there is any stomach to punish them from here to eternity on this," said another U.S. official. "I could see the loan going through (eventually) but right now it's very difficult for (IMF) board members to go through with this."

Asked about the matter, an IMF spokeswoman said: "Discussions with the authorities on an IMF-supported program are still ongoing. We do not have any schedule of the Executive Board meeting at this moment."

U.S. officials said they feared the government, in seeking a military victory, had neglected preparing for a political accommodation that may be necessary for a lasting peace.

Wickramasuriya said the government wanted to bring Tamil Tiger sympathizers into the political process and had done so in the past, noting that a prominent LTTE member had come over to the government's side.

Teresita Schaffer, a former U.S. ambassador to Sri Lanka now at the Center for Strategic and International Studies think tank, said the government was loathe to make concessions such as giving provinces more power to bring in LTTE sympathizers.

"This government, I think, has not thought very deeply about the fact that if they do have a military victory they will still need to make a political peace," Schaffer said. (Additional reporting by Lesley Wroughton, editing by Todd Eastham)

[courtesy: Reuters]

Why is govt not admitting international media to the war zone?

by Prof. A. N. I. Ekanayaka

As the war draws to a close Sri Lankans eagerly look forward to a crushing and decisive victory over terrorism.. However, one enigma of these last days of the conflict that may puzzle future generations who look back on our time is the consistent reluctance of the government to allow reputable international media like CNN, BBC and AlJazira to cover the war. Brilliant journalists of unimpeachable integrity like John Simpson, Martin Bell, Christiana Amanpour, Kate Addie, and Anderson Cooper, have brought distinction to such channels.

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[A photograph of Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapaksa hangs above military spokesman Brigadier Udaya Nanayakkara (rear, 5th R) as he points to a diagram that he says shows the progress of the Sri Lankan army against the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) during a news conference at the media centre for national security in central Colombo April 22, 2009.-Reuters pic]

Why was an ostensibly golden opportunity of neutralising the disinformation of terrorists and silencing skeptics with the truth passed by? Ironically, dedicated reporters from these channels have been permitted to cover much larger global conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan. American and European taxpayers who pay for those wars have the privilege of watching unbiased reports and analyses of war on their TV screens filed without fear or favour by independent reporters working for international networks in conflict zones. At the start of the Iraq invasion in 2003 hundreds of "embedded" reporters reported from the war front having attached themselves to military units.

Despite some limitations on the information such reporters are permitted to transmit and understandable attempts by the military to manipulate them to get its own story told – they too play a part in giving citizens who pay for the war as accurate and independent a picture as possible of what is happening.

By comparison Sri Lankan tax payers have not been so privileged. They have had to settle for whatever the state reports or what they are told by compliant journalists who find it hard to transcend their innate prejudices.

Now, that may be good enough for a large proportion of a gullible population that only wants to be told what it likes to hear. The problem is that throughout the history of human conflict down the ages the first casualty of war is truth. There is no denying that all over the world in the bitter "information warfare" waged by combatants in parallel with the warfare on the ground inevitably inaccuracies, omissions, and exaggerations abound.

But, who can blame them cynics and pragmatists would say – "war is a deadly business where the end justifies the means and we can’t allow truth to get in the way!" So, we have to endure the bewilderment of rival protagonists putting out their own contradictory version of events true or false. Is there a way out of all this confusion?

One solution in democratic societies that value transparency and acknowledge the people’s right to an honest accounting of public funds expended in the war effort is for independent journalists, too, to enjoy the right to report from the front. Reluctance to let them in inevitably leads to suspicions that there is something to hide. In the Sri Lankan conflict the government has (with much credibility) consistently claimed to be the force for good, as against the wicked terrorists whom we all unequivocally condemn as the forces of evil. It is the terrorists who use innocent civilians as human shields and shoot down those who try to escape to safe zones.

It is the terrorists who employ child soldiers and are in one way or another responsible for the manifold miseries of civilians in their areas. It is the terrorists who hijack the food and drugs meant for the civilians for their own use. It is the terrorists who are waging a diabolical campaign of disinformation to mislead the international community.

By contrast the government has consistently claimed that it was waging a righteous war with disciplined military intervention to liberate a besieged people from the tyranny of ruthless terrorists. It would like the international community to believe that it is at every turn acting out of humanitarian concern for the civilian populations in the war torn areas, who see the advancing forces as their saviours.

Consequently, it is difficult to understand why the State which occupies the moral high ground in this instance and makes such extravagant claims, does not seize the golden opportunity of promoting its image abroad by allowing international journalists to freely visit the war zone and graphically confirm the authenticity of its claims to a skeptical international community. The objection that such a policy would compromise military strategy is not convincing. War correspondents are never made privy to battle strategies and tactics that may be adopted in the future.

They only report on how things are now, based on what has happened in the past – and that perhaps is something the general public are entitled to know in a democratic country. Shouldn’t a government, whose hands are clean, be exploiting the international media to give global publicity to its own claims rather than denying them admission?

We cannot escape the disturbing reality that in wartime as in peacetime, in our private life as in our communal existence - truth and transparency are invariably two sides of the same coin.

Why LTTE Retreat May Provide One, Small Opening for Peace

by Mitu Sengupta

Over the course of a long and brutal war with Sri Lanka’s armed forces, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (the LTTE) emerged as one of the world’s most formidable insurgent groups. Besides engaging the Sri Lankan government in a bloody battle for more than 25 years, the LTTE (or, more informally, the ‘Tamil Tigers’) managed to seize substantial chunks of government territory, and operated these as a quasi-state for well over a decade. Today, however, the mighty Tigers are on the verge of total military defeat. Will their demise bring peace to Sri Lanka?

Unsurprisingly, the LTTE’s hammering has come at an enormous price. Since its beginnings in the early 1980s, the war has claimed more than 70,000 lives, rendered some half a million Tamils refugees in their own country, and driven an equal number out of Sri Lanka. The last six months of fighting have been particularly intense, with the Sri Lankan government at its most aggressive in decades. Reports from the United Nations, Red Cross and several other reputed humanitarian organizations indicate that the country is on the brink of a colossal humanitarian disaster.

Some 6,500 civilians have been killed since January, and another 100,000 are caught – facing carnage, and without adequate food, shelter and medicine – in the crossfire between the Tigers and government forces. An additional 40,000 or so that have fled the war zone are being held in military-run camps, where conditions, according to the most recent reports, are similar to those in Nazi-run concentration camps (journalists and humanitarian workers have been banned from these camps for over a month).

Led by the United Nations, concerned voices in the international community have repeatedly pleaded for a halt to the fighting, or even a ceasefire of a reasonable length, in which more civilians may be moved to safety, and aid workers allowed access to the sick and wounded. Determined to run the Tigers to the ground, however, the Sri Lankan President, Mahinda Rajapaksa, has remained undeterred, apparently confident that a full purging of the LTTE – now perhaps only days away – will have been worth the carnage and dislocation, and the palpable damage to his country’s international reputation. Rajapaksa evidently believes that a Sri Lanka free of the Tigers will be a Sri Lanka whither all good things will come.

Over the years, the LTTE has earned the reputation of being a ruthless organization; one that turns children into hardened soldiers; that has perfected suicide bombing as a tactic; that relies on extortion and smuggling for funding, and that has zero tolerance for critics and competitors. While there are no reliable measures of the extent of support for the LTTE among Tamils in Sri Lanka, or within the vast diaspora, Tamil human rights activists both inside and outside the country have spoken out against the LTTE’s cruel ways, totalitarian structure, and uncompromising, maximalist demands.

The LTTE has duly assassinated many of these detractors. Indeed, given all of this, it is tempting to presume that Sri Lanka will be infinitely better off without the LTTE, and that its elimination will necessarily steer the country towards order, stability and reconciliation. But though appealing, this conclusion ultimately rests on a wrongheaded view of the Tigers’ role in the conflict. The LTTE is the product, not the cause, of Sri Lanka’s deadly politics.

To begin with, the conflict, if not the war, predates the LTTE by a few generations. Its origins may be traced to the effects of the nefarious “divide and rule” policies devised by British colonial administrators to govern Sri Lanka (then Ceylon) in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The British used the island’s Tamil minority to keep its Sinhalese majority in check, and in return, gave Tamils the best government jobs and the benefit of English education.

With independence in 1948, however, the Tamils were deprived of their patrons, and found themselves outnumbered and marginalized inside the new Sri Lanka’s unitary state and majoritarian institutional framework. With the Tamils rendered politically irrelevant, short-sighted politicians competed with each other for the Sinhalese vote, and soon discovered that the political party with the stronger anti-minority stance was almost always guaranteed electoral success.

Such “ethnic outbidding,” as scholars have characterized the dreadful process, led to the rise of a ferocious Sinhala nationalism that demanded revenge for the Tamils’ supremacy during the colonial period, along with a revival of Sinhala language and culture. It saw Sri Lanka as for the Sinhalese alone, and insisted that the Tamil minority submit to its second-class position or, better still, simply leave the island. In the first few decades following independence, Sri Lanka’s Tamils were systematically stripped of their erstwhile social and economic privileges, with the demotion of their language (Tamil) to secondary status, and the imposition of strict quotas that shrank their employment and educational opportunities. Sinhalese farmers were encouraged to settle in and around the island’s north-east, in an obvious attempt to reduce the concentration of Tamils in these areas.

Initially, the Tamils attempted to resist these changes through democratic means, forming political parties that pressed for federalism and various minority guarantees. While many sensible Sinhalese politicians warmed to such appeals, the forces of majoritarianism always seemed to triumph. Any government seen as making too many concessions to the Tamils was swiftly pulled down, a disheartening ritual that eventually left most Tamils alienated, and the Tamil parties largely discredited.

By the late 1970s, the conflict had taken a violent turn, with the surfacing of several militant outfits, including the LTTE, which called for armed struggle and secession – the creation of a Tamil ‘homeland’ (‘eelam’) out of the Tamil majority areas in Sri Lanka’s north-east. The LTTE proved the strongest of these militant groups, and, out-powering its rivals, became locked in bitter conflict with the Sri Lankan state.

As an insurgent force, the LTTE has been remarkably successful. By the early 2000s, it had captured much of the north and east, and was governing these territories as though they were already a separate state (the LTTE provided schools, postal services, and even rudimentary hospitals). The LTTE brought forth a harsh and authoritarian regime, but one that was, perhaps, an inevitable response to the harsh and authoritarian regime that the Sri Lankan government had become.

Human Rights Watch has characterized the Sri Lankan government as one of the world’s worst perpetrators of enforced disappearances. Indeed, in many ways, the LTTE and the Sri Lankan state have been reflections of each other’s total lack of generosity. Both have squandered numerous opportunities for peace, though it is unlikely that the Sri Lankan government would have agreed to negotiate at all – as it did in 2003, following a ceasefire – had it faced a lesser organization than the Tigers. The annihilation of the LTTE will mean that only one of the two fearsome, unbending contenders in the country’s long and bloody war will have left the arena and, that too, probably not for good. Far from being a recipe for peace, this will probably ignite a new cycle of grotesque injustice and pitiless retaliation.

One danger that looms heavily is that the Sri Lankan state will try to use its victory to seek a permanent solution to its “Tamil minority problem.” The government might begin by preventing Tamil civilians interned in its military camps from returning to their villages. These camps have already taken on an air of permanence, with the government arguing that no-one can be moved until the LTTE is fully flushed out, and the military demines the conflict zone.

This could take months, if not years. It is entirely possible that while tens of thousands of Tamils languish in these camps, encircled by razor-wired fences, the government will move large numbers of Sinhalese settlers into the island’s north and east, thus stamping out, once and for all, the geographical rationale for a separate Tamil homeland. The counterpoint to the government’s expected belligerence might be an even darker phase in the Tamil resistance; one with a more lucid and focused fury that will bring great disquiet to Tamils everywhere.

To most governments, the bloodbath in Sri Lanka is the consequence of a sovereign power besieged by a brutal domestic insurgency. This is to be expected in a world where states are generally considered legitimate, no matter what they do, and those that challenge their authority are immediately viewed as criminal – a distinction that’s been sharpened, of course, by the menacing language around the “war on terror.”

Indeed, following Sri Lanka’s success in having the LTTE proscribed as a terrorist organization by 31 countries, including the United States, the sense that the Sri Lankan state is on the right side of history has gone from strength to strength, which might explain the muted condemnation of its actions in the rapidly unfolding tragedy.

It’s probably too much to expect the US government – or any other government for that matter – to accept the argument, however rigorously advanced, that the Sri Lankan state and the LTTE have mirrored each other’s unyielding attitudes and methods, and, that ultimately, the noble sovereign power and the sinister terrorist organization are two sides of the same bloodied coin.

The one, small opening for peace that the LTTE’s retreat may provide, however, is that without its looming spectre, the Sri Lankan government will be less able to shield its decaying democracy and ugly human rights record from the eyes of the world. It will, hopefully, be the subject of an international initiative that helps rein in the country’s majoritarian forces, thus barring any further acceleration of the vicious cycle of injury and retribution these tend to set in motion.

(Mitu Sengupta, Ph.D., is an Assistant Professor of Politics at Ryerson University in Toronto, Canada.)

W.P. Voters prefer known devils to unknown angels

by Dharisha Bastians

The people of the Western Province went to the polls last Saturday to elect their regional representatives. It was a mini-poll that assumed proportions of a national election, largely because the all important capital of Colombo happened to be one of the electoral districts that would poll on April 25, along with the slightly more suburban Gampaha and Kalutara.

With the Elections Commissioner having allowed a campaign period of over two months, the election managed to creep its way into the political consciousness of the Colombo residents despite the ongoing noise of the military operations in the north that have occupied pride of place in the attention span of most Sri Lankans for the better part of a year.

This infiltration was owed in no small measure to the poster blitz and incessant advertising by the most marketing-savvy UPFA candidates in the loop: R. Duminda Silva and Thilanga Sumathipala. It also helped that they happened to have the deepest pockets, leaving other government contestants far behind, with the ‘squeaky clean’ Udaya Gammanpila being the only also-ran to have made any kind of impression.

For the main opposition, Rosy Senanayake worked her charm among the few voters who bothered to show up and the even fewer who felt a compelling desire to vote for the UNP. No other UNP candidate appears to have made much of an impression on the Colombo voter, with even promising candidates such as attorney at law Shiral Lakthilaka not having made the cut.

Fascinating though the prospect might be to contemplate a provincial administration run in large part by (a) a man being sued for statutory rape, (b) a bookie and (c) a beauty queen with no claim to political leadership other than a crown she won almost 30 years ago and a women’s talk show, the ground reality is that they won’t really be in charge of anything much.

The provincial councils are a complete waste of public money in that they only afford second rate politicians the opportunity to whiz around in SUVs, escorted by armed guards and make no impression whatsoever on the people in the provinces they allegedly serve.

Ascension to these white elephants however is certainly a cause of celebration for the Silvas, Sumathipalas and Senanayakes, who have by virtue of popularity (or notoriety) managed to circumvent the usual political route – from poster boy to pradeshiya sabha member to provincial councillor etc. Instead, given that the provincial council has little or no bearing on the running of things in the Western Province, the ‘preferred candidates’ can spend their time preparing for the next step: election to the national legislature.

It is important to stress at this juncture that there is absolutely nothing wrong with this particular order of ascension. The trouble it portends is something entirely different. While it might not worry a body too much that the likes of Silva and Senanayake are running things in a redundant provincial legislature that has really no bearing on anything of importance, it is a whole other set of consequences if these characters end up being the candidates between whom we must choose at a national election. Because, it is a fact that this country is becoming increasingly bankrupt politically and at each election, our choices keep getting worse and worse.

And whatever one’s personal views might be about Silva and Co. the fact remains that they were the choices of the masses and in a democracy, the people are sovereign. The majority choice, in a democracy, can never be wrong. But it is also a fact that any voter needs to have a decent set of choices in order to make an informed and educated choice. In Sri Lankan elections, each choice seems worse than the rest, and clearly the Western Province voter has decided ‘better the known devil.’ It behoves the leadership of both main political parties to take stock of what kind of candidates they are putting out there and while it is futile to expect them to make any decisions for the good of the nation, we cannot stop appealing to their better instincts, indeed if such things exist.

With the conclusion of this latest provincial poll, the murmuring has begun within the UNP once again, with party bigwigs now planning to get involved in yet another attempt to oust the Party Leader. And while their leadership battles might make for interesting comic reading, it will be interesting for the UNP seniors to take a long hard look at the preferential voting results and allow some cold hard facts to hit home.

It is a tragic tale indeed when the top two candidates in a district that was once considered a traditionally green bastion happen to be defectors from your own party. Both Silva and Sumathipala campaigned vigorously for the UNP in the 2004 general election and the subsequent local polls. Their success story is the UNP’s personal tragedy, that they are unable to keep even the bottom rung members within their fold.

Why an international relief effort is now urgently needed in Sri Lanka

Victory without humanity can be no triumph

by David Miliband and Bernard Kouchner

Recent demonstrations in London, Paris and elsewhere have brought the situation in Sri Lanka to wide public attention. But the island's civil war has been running for 28 years. The Tamil minority in the north has long argued that it is marginalised politically and economically.

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[France's Foreign Minister Bernard Kouchner (2nd L) and British Foreign Secretary David Miliband (C) listen to local officials as they visit the Menikfam Vanni refugee camp located near the town of Chettekulam in northern Sri Lanka April 29, 2009-Reuters pic]

In the early 1980s the LTTE (the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, or Tamil Tigers) started fighting for an independent Tamil state. By 1986 it had full control of the northern Jaffna peninsula. What began with violent protest soon led to civil war - to the majority the assertion of military power by a sovereign government against a murderous terrorist organisation, to the minority the abuse of violent power by the State. Repeated attempts to find a political solution ran aground.

The Government of Sri Lanka now believes that it is in the final stages of that campaign. Its military advance is undoubted. The LTTE leadership appears trapped in an ever-diminishing strip of land, now only a few square kilometres. But despite its size, at least 50,000 civilians remain there with the LTTE, the others having fled to “screening centres” and IDP (internally displaced people) camps. So civilian suffering and loss of life continues, and the chances of any kind of political settlement recede.

We visited Sri Lanka yesterday for a simple reason: time is running out for those trapped or displaced by the fighting. Our mission was simple too: to make, in person, the case for the humanitarian relief that the UN, the EU and the G8 have called for.

We saw the situation for ourselves in Vavunja, close to the fighting, where we visited displaced Tamils and saw the newly arrived French field hospital. We heard stories of individual human tragedy: civilians forced by the LTTE not to leave its stronghold, deaths and injuries from bombs and artillery, and families separated, desperately seeking news of their loved ones - fears from the recent past, fears for their present situation and fear of what might happen in the future.

The UN and EU have spoken loud and clear about the immediate needs. First, both sides must act to protect civilians inside the so-called no-fire zone (which has become the opposite). We have called for some time for the Government of Sri Lanka to set a ceasefire in place and for the LTTE to allow all civilians under its control to leave the conflict area safely and as quickly as possible, preferably under UN auspices.

The Government of Sri Lanka's announcement of a cessation of heavy military combat is a welcome step towards the protection of civilians. Similar announcements have been made in the past. This one must be implemented and kept to. The UN had an agreement with the Government to send a mission into the conflict zone to help to assess and address civilian needs. That agreement has not been implemented. It must be.

The second concern is over arrangements and conditions for the displaced persons fleeing the zone. Here the refusal to allow the UN, the aid agencies, and the media full and proper access is quite wrong. The Government wants to “screen” civilians escaping the fighting to ensure that LTTE fighters cannot get into the wider community to continue the struggle using terrorist means. But it is vital that this process is transparent - the Government must allow the UN and other international agencies proper access to all stages of the screening process.

Third, conditions for civilians who have fled the fighting are an important concern. Any country would struggle with 200,000 IDPs. When these include many who are injured and traumatised, as well as the old and children, this is doubly the case. In the past, the Sri Lankan Government has been unwilling to let international aid agencies get involved directly. But without a properly managed, resourced and co-ordinated humanitarian aid effort, their suffering will only intensify. That is why we fully supported the visit this week to Sri Lanka of Sir John Holmes, the UN Under-Secretary General for Humanitarian Affairs. Within the IDP camps, there must be better medical facilities and improved access to food and shelter. Britain and France have made commitments of money and medicine and shelter. So have others. But there needs to be proper access.

Finally, while our focus today is short term, we cannot ignore the long-term context. The Government of Sri Lanka is an elected one and is rightly held to the high standards expected of members of the UN - so all its obligations under international humanitarian law must be respected. To the LTTE we repeat the EU's longstanding position that violence will not serve the Tamil people and affirm that only the renunciation of violence will bring progress.

In the future, the communities of Sri Lanka will have to find ways to live together. That will not be achieved through military victory alone. The deep-seated sense of political alienation that has fuelled Tamil resentment towards successive governments in Sri Lanka must be addressed through a political process of integrity and decency. We are under no illusions about how entrenched positions are on either side. The Government of Sri Lanka believes it is days away from the victory that it has sought for three decades, but at the cost of too many civilian lives. The LTTE is a terrorist organisation that is now using innocent civilians as human shields. The gravity of the situation means that the international community has a duty to respond and to do all that we can to halt the suffering.

People ask what does it have to do with us? As members of the UN Security Council we do not shy away from the responsibility of sovereign governments and the international community to protect civilians. Hillary Clinton, the US Secretary of State, has joined us in describing the failure to protect civilians in Sri Lanka as truly shocking. Yesterday we took our plea direct to the Sri Lankan Government. In its moment of triumph it must show the humanity and self-interest to find a way to win the peace.

Bernard Kouchner is France's Minister of Foreign Affairs; David Miliband is Foreign Secretary

April 28, 2009

Hundreds of civilian casualties in 17 hour “blitzkrieg”

by D.B.S. Jeyaraj

Hundreds of civilian casualties were reported within the 10 sq km area controlled by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) due mainly to a 17 hour long heavy fire "blitzkrieg" conducted by the Armed forces of Sri Lanka.

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[Air attack between mullivaikkal and Iraddaivaikkal-pic: RDHS]

The "blitz" like intensive attacks commenced at 6.00 pm on Monday April 27th 2009 and continued for 17 hours till 11.00 am in the morning of Tuesday April 28th 2009.

[Please click here ~ to read the article in full on dbsjeyaraj.com]

Post Script; WPC elections and the Ethnic divide

by Kusal Perera

Full results of the Western Provincial Council (WPC) election are now officially released. This includes the final count of preference votes for each candidate in all 03 districts. Accordingly, the lists of eligible candidates elected to the PC from each political party for the 03 districts have been announced by the Elections Commissioner.

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[Officials reported on April 26 that Sri Lanka's ruling party on April 25 won by a landslide in a local election that the country's president had turned into a referendum on his military campaign to crush Tamil rebels-getty images]

This adds further evidence to the reading I made in my article written on Sunday 26th April, on the WPC elections, before the preference vote was counted.

As pointed out, Gampaha and Kalutara districts with extremely high Sinhala voter presence returned ONLY Sinhala candidates from political party lists, except the single candidate who was elected from the SLMC list in Gampaha. That was possible due to the concentration of Muslim voters in Malwana Pradeshiya Sabha area and in Thihariya, in Nittambuwa area. Though the Kalutara district too has Muslim concentrations as in Beruwala and Keselwatte in Panadura, the concentration of Sinhala votes made the Muslim numbers inadequate to return a Muslim candidate. Therefore in the two districts that elected 59 Councilors to the WP only 01 Muslim has been elected at this election.

Colombo district thus become the mirror on which the ethnic divide can be clearly seen. In Colombo the Sinhala vote that rallied round the government list (UPFA) made it certain that 24 out of the 25 elected candidates are Sinhala. The only other being a Muslim.

The UNP considered the strongest list for the Minorities to use their vote as a protest vote against the government and its war, has 07 out of 15 elected candidates representing the Minorities.

There are 03 Muslim and 04 Tamil candidates elected as Councilors from the UNP list, while from the 03 other Opposition candidates elected, there are 02 Muslim Councilors with the JVP getting a Sinhala Councilor. This makes a total of 09 Councilors representing the Minorities in the Opposition from 18 Councilors elected from the Colombo district to the WPC Opposition.

Sweden recalls its Chargé d'Affaires in Sri Lanka for consultations

SWEDETC0428.gifPress release
28 April 2009
Ministry for Foreign Affairs

Sweden will recall its Chargé d'Affaires in Colombo for consultations today. Minister for Foreign Affairs Carl Bildt has not been granted an entry visa to Sri Lanka and has therefore been forced to cancel his participation in the planned visit to the country today with his British and French colleagues.

Related News item by Xinhua News Agency: Sri Lanka's denial of entry of Swedish FM "grave mistake:" Czech FM

The Sri Lankan government's denial of entry of Swedish Foreign Minister Carl Bildt is a "grave mistake" and will have consequences, Czech Foreign Minister Karel Schwarzenberg, whose country holds the rotating EU presidency, said Tuesday.

"It is lamentable that the Sri Lankan government denied him a visa," Schwarzenberg told reporters.

"It is a grave mistake by the Sri Lankan government, which of course will have repercussions in Europe and will influence further relations between the Sri Lankan government and European states," he said.

CBTC0428.jpg

Carl Bildt said he knew no reason why he should have been refused a visa-AFP pic

Bildt had been scheduled to visit Sri Lanka this week along with British Foreign Secretary David Miliband and French Foreign Minister Bernard Kouchner. Both Miliband and Kouchner have been granted entry.

Schwarzenberg said Miliband and Kouchner were visiting Sri Lanka in their capacity as representatives of two permanent members of the United Nations Security Council, therefore not directly linked to the European Union (EU).

But it was a good idea to take Bildt along, he said. The participation of Bildt, who is an expert in conflict resolution, would be very valuable for Sri Lanka, said Schwarzenberg.

According to AFP, A Sri Lankan foreign ministry official indicated that Colombo felt it had already done enough by allowing Britain and France's top diplomats -- David Miliband and Bernard Kouchner -- to visit on Wednesday.

"The Swedish minister also wanted to jump on that bandwagon and we said no," the official said.

"Some think they can land up at our airport and expect a red carpet treatment. We are not a colony and neither a bankrupt Third World country. Our main donors are in Asia, not in Europe," the official added.

April 27, 2009

Combined pre-dawn operation launched by Armed Forces

by D.B.S. Jeyaraj

The Sri Lankan armed forces have launched a combined military operation in the Karaithuraipatru AGA division in Mullaitheevu district against the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in the early hours of the morning on Monday April 27th 2009.

The pre-dawn operation that began around 3.45 am was going on as scheduled at dusk despite wrong information being circulated in Tamil Nadu by interested parties that a ceasefire had been announced.

[M. Karunanidhi, chief minister of the southern Indian state of Tamil Nadu, lies in a bed during an indefinite fast in the southern Indian city of Chennai April 27, 2009-Reuters pic]

The news that a ceasefire had come into force was conveyed by Central Govt minister for Home Affairs, Palaniyappan Chidamparam to the State chief minister Muttuvel Karunanindhi.

[Click here to read the article in full in dbsjeyaraj.com]

Hands up or feet first: The only deal in town

by Dayan Jayatilleka

It is heartening that the Tamil Tigers have retained a sense of humor under extreme pressure. It is a lesson to us all. The Tigers have declared a unilateral ceasefire and promised not to engage in any offensive military operations. The joke is in two parts. Firstly, they are in no shape to engage in any offensive military operations. In the second place these clowns have pulled this on us and the IPKF on more occasions than I can recall. The first ceasefire in 1985 saw the Tigers under Kittu ringing Sri Lankan army camps in Jaffna with landmines. The IPKF’s stop-go campaign -- its rhythm and inconstancy influenced by Tamil Nadu and electoral considerations -- enabled Prabhakaran to survive, escape and turn the tables on them, culminating in the suicide bomb murder of Rajiv Gandhi on Tamil Nadu soil in 1991.

Let’s be crystal clear on this. The only deal that must be on the table is “hands up or feet first”. The Tigers, starting with the leadership must surrender themselves and their weapons to the Sri Lankan armed forces, not some Third Force which it can manipulate through the Diaspora. There must be NO amnesty for the leadership, which has committed war crimes.

Anyone anywhere who cares for the Tamil civilians trapped in the no fire zone should recognize that over a hundred thousand civilians came through to safety precisely during a brilliantly surgical military operation, and NOT a humanitarian pause or ceasefire. It was not the product or by product of an international appeal. It was the direct product of the actions of the Sri Lankan army, and in particular, the sacrifices made by the Special Forces and Commandos.

None of those who are urging from afar, a humanitarian pause /ceasefire, amnesty and talks with the Tigers, are going to live in Sri Lanka when the suicide bombers strike again, the parcel bombs go off in shops and at bus stops, promising leaders are assassinated, and dead and disabled soldiers start coming back to our villages when the war resumes as it will if we stop operations now and the Tigers survive.

What awaits us if operations are halted before the Tigers are decisively defeated? Anita Pratap, the journalist who has known Prabhakaran from before July 83 and has had access to him virtually on demand since that time, let us know a few days back, in an article for the upcoming months issue of The Week. In a special Report for the May 3rd 2009 edition, entitled Crouching Tiger, she exudes confidence that “Prabhakaran still has enough grit to continue the fight”. Here is her scenario:

“…Prabhakaran has lost wars before. He had created a de facto Tamil Eelam with its own army, police, courts and taxation system not once, but several times in the past-only to have it all smashed and wiped out. And he had to start all over again. At 54, Prabhakaran still has enough grit to start again and continue for another 20 years.

In the meantime, he will be watching the Indian elections closely to see which dispensation takes charge in New Delhi . He will be watching to see if there is a popular upsurge of support in Tamil Nadu for the plight of Tamils across the Palk Strait . He will be watching the disastrous impact of war on Sri Lanka 's economy. He will be watching Hillary Clinton who said there should be a 'nuanced' approach to dealing with terrorism. He will be watching President Barack Obama who rightly analyzed that conflicts stem from our perception of 'the other'.

Today, Prabhakaran's situation looks dire. But the wheels of fortune are not static. Things change. America has changed. The world is changing… As new winds blow away many certitudes of the recent past, new opportunities, alignments and paradigms take their place on the world stage. And they will inexorably weave their impact in remote corners of faraway Sri Lanka ...” (Anita Pratap, The Week, May 3, 2009)

Then there is the far more scholarly and analytical assessment of Shyam Tekwani, no sympathizer of Prabhakaran. A photojournalist earlier, Tekwani has been studying the Sri Lankan conflict since 1983 and has met the LTTE leadership on several occasions on battlefields and elsewhere. Currently he is an Associate Professor in NTU, Singapore , teaching Journalism and International Relations. In the Hindustan Times, he offers this prognosis:

“…A strategic withdrawal to live to fight another day and ensure he [Prabhakaran] is not relegated to a footnote in the history books has guaranteed his endurance and longevity.

The war, it would seem, is over. Not for the LTTE. ..

…He has once again successfully rallied the international community behind his cause. The global outcry in support of the remaining 50,000 civilians cornered in the last strip of the battle zone and the increasingly insistent calls for an immediate ceasefire play perfectly well into his plans to save what is left of his dream and the group.

The dream of Eelam has evidently become an even more distant fantasy – but his unswerving loyalty to it will ensure the fight will continue. Having lost the support of over 100,000 Tamils who challenged his diktat and abandoned him to flee for the safety of the army camps, his hope will now reside largely with the Tamil Diaspora. The 800,000 Diaspora, who he specifically appealed to in his Hero’s Day address when he launched the ‘Final War’ in 2006, has been the group’s lifeline. Prabhakaran has mobilized the Diaspora like very few other insurgent groups ever have. Providing the mainstay of his support (funds, networks, lobbyists) the Diaspora has unwaveringly stood by him and kept up the sustained pressure for the Eelam ‘cause’ alive across the capitals of the world.

It has become a truism that the only way out is a political solution, not military. Having thrust a very local issue into the international limelight, Prabhakaran has consistently reneged every opportunity to seek a political solution. Every attempt at one – that did not mention Eelam - during the last two decades was doomed to failure. A lasting solution is extremely unlikely with him heading the group. As long as he endures, so will his cause. Therefore, any talk of a lost cause and an endgame in Sri Lanka would be premature.

The military victory could well become another pause in the history of the conflict if the same degree of effort is not invested by the Rajapaksa government to set right the wrongs of previous administrations. And the international community would need to ensure it sustains its campaign against groups branded as terrorists.

None of which would amount to much if Prabhakaran continues to be out there, somewhere.” (Shyam Tekwani, ‘Don’t Write the Tigers Obit Yet’, Hindustan Times, April 25, 2009)

We must take these scenarios with the utmost seriousness. It is always wiser to prepare for the worst case scenario. This also provides the best argument why Prabhakaran must not be given the time and space to escape and the operations must go on uninterrupted until the Tiger leadership is eradicated. Some months ago I quoted and commended the words of General Colin Powell during the Gulf War: “first we cut it off, then we kill it.” We have cut it off. Now we must kill it.

As Ronald Reagan, no favorite of mine, once said “the problem with playing your last card is that once you’ve played it, you no longer have it”. The so-called international community played its last card in 1987 when a coercive external intrusion, catalyzed at least partly by sub-regional electoral compulsions (MG Ramachandran “air dashing”, as it used to be called, to prevent “that boy” Prabhakaran from being killed). It is not that other forces in other, more impressive combinations are incapable of doing a larger version of the same thing. The point however, is that the Sri Lankan state and citizens have been through this before and will not be deterred this time around, from defeating the secessionist-terrorist enemy, reclaiming sovereignty and restoring territorial unity. Sri Lanka ’s spirit this time around is one that will resist intervention “by whatever means necessary” as Brother Malcolm X used to say. There is a gross asymmetry of tangible material strengths, against Sri Lanka , but as for the intangibles, Sri Lanka has the advantage. Sri Lankans have demonstrated their willingness to fight and die in pursuit of their cause. How many others are willing to do the same in order to prevent us, and for how long and at what financial cost will they be willing to do so?

No other country, institution or leader will share our fate. Therefore we alone must shape that fate, decide our own destiny. This is our country, our borders, our land, our peoples, our future. No one must be allowed to dictate to us or pressurize us. We must go ahead and do what we have to do to end our 30 years war in a manner that it cannot be easily re-started. This means eliminating the Tigers and following up a decisive victory with a generous and wise humanitarian and political policy.

(These are the strictly personal views of the author).

Sri Lankan government breaks promise to end use of ‘heavy weapons’ against civilians; rejects UN humanitarian team

Statement by PEARL:

On April 27 the Sri Lankan government announced that it would stop its use of “heavy weapons” in its military offensive against the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in the North of the island. On the same day, the Tamils Rehabilitation Organization (TRO) and Dr. T. Sathiyamoorthy, Regional Director of Health Services, both inside the “safe zone,” reported that the government was carrying out aerial bombardments and artillery shelling in Mullivaikkal, located in the “Safe Zone.”

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[Inside "safe zone'-pic: RDHS]

In a statement dated April 27, Dr. Sathiyamoorthy wrote that one series of shelling injured 139 civilians and 19 died after being admitted to the hospital. TRO stated that heavy shelling coming from Puthukudiyiruppu, Ianaipalai and Oddusuddan areas and aerial bombardments in the Rattai Vaikal area, killed at least 100 civilians and injured 500. It said the scale of attacks makes it difficult for aid workers to reach injured civilians or assess the number of casualties.

In a visit to Sri Lanka this week John Holmes, UN Coordinator for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief, stated he was unable to persuade the Sri Lankan government to allow a “humanitarian pause” in its military offensive. The Sri Lankan government also rejected a UN proposal to send a humanitarian relief team to the war zone, where 60,000 to 100,000 Tamil civilians are at risk.

The UN estimated that 6,500 Tamil civilians have been killed and 14,000 have been injured in the last three months. Despite calls from the United States, United Kingdom and other international human rights organizations to implement an immediate ceasefire and protect civilians, the Sri Lankan government continues its military offensive. The government also rejected a unilateral ceasefire declaration by the LTTE.

PEARL urges the US to take strong leadership in condemning Sri Lanka for continuing to violate international law and attack Tamil civilians in the “Safe Zone”. PEARL urges the US to impose economic and diplomatic sanctions against Sri Lanka to demonstrate its concern for the plight of Tamils. PEARL also urges the UN to bring Sri Lanka to its Security Council agenda and invoke the Responsibility to Protect to allow a UN humanitarian team to enter the war zone and provide international monitoring of refugee camps in the North.

For more information, visit www.pearlaction.org

Sri Lanka govt. conceding its use of heavy weapons warrants UN inquiry

HRW: Sri Lanka: Government Admission Shows Need for UN Inquiry ~ Visiting Envoys Should Make Civilian Protection Top Priority

The Sri Lankan government's admission that it has been using heavy weapons in an area crowded with displaced civilians underscores the need for an international commission of inquiry into violations of the laws of war by government forces and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), Human Rights Watch said today.

The Sri Lankan Presidential Secretariat conceded today that it had been using heavy weapons in the recent fighting, despite earlier statements that it had ceased their use. The statement said: "Our security forces have been instructed to end the use of heavy caliber guns, combat aircraft and aerial weapons which could cause civilian casualties."

"By finally admitting it has been using heavy weapons all along, the Sri Lanka government has shed light onto its official deception as well as its brutal military tactics," said Brad Adams, Asia director at Human Rights Watch. "The UN Security Council should stop burying its head in the sand on Sri Lanka and urgently create an international commission of inquiry to look at abuses by both sides."

For months, the Sri Lankan government has denied that its operations against the LTTE were killing civilians and ignored appeals by the United Nations and many other members of the international community to stop attacks in the government-declared "no-fire zone," where it had encouraged civilians to take shelter. For example, on April 23, Defense Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa told the BBC: "We are going very slowly towards the south of the no-fire zone to rescue the remaining civilians. Our troops are not using heavy fire power, they are using only guns and personal weapons."

Numerous accounts by witnesses as well as photographs and satellite imagery have demonstrated the continuing use of heavy artillery and aerial bombardment in the fighting between government forces and the LTTE. According to the UN, an estimated 6,400 people have been killed and more than 13,000 wounded in the conflict area since January 2009.

The UN estimates that more than 50,000 civilians remain trapped. The LTTE reportedly continues to prevent the escape of many. The extreme vulnerability of these civilians is compounded by severe shortages of food, water, and medical supplies. In addition to its indiscriminate attacks on the "no-fire zone," the government's continued refusal to allow adequate humanitarian personnel and delivery of essential relief supplies has denied civilians critical assistance. Its ban on allowing impartial outside observers, including journalists and human rights monitors, into the area has obstructed another important aspect of civilian protection.

Human Rights Watch said that many of the internally displaced persons now entering government-controlled areas had not eaten for days. They continue to face shortages of food, water, shelter, and sanitation as they await government screening and registration before being transferred and detained in closed government detention camps, which the government calls "welfare centers."

Human Rights Watch urged the foreign ministers of the United Kingdom, France, and Sweden, who are bound for Colombo on April 29, 2009, to make the government's accountability for the protection and welfare of displaced civilians their top priority.

"The visiting foreign ministers from the UK, France, and Sweden may be the last hope of the remaining trapped civilians," said Adams. "They should make it clear to Sri Lanka's leaders that they will be held accountable for attacks on civilians or denying them access to humanitarian aid."

Pictorial: Sri Lanka: Trapped and Under Fire II

For the most recent UNOSAT satellite imagery of IDP shelter movement, please visit [PDF File]:
http://unosat.web.cern.ch/unosat/shared/UNOSAT/SriLanka/UNOSAT_Report_Damage_IDP_analysis_19April2009_v6.pdf

"LTTE factor in Tamil Nadu: Panel discussion on NDTV"

It was the Sri Lankan government's biggest triumph in its current offensive - Daya Master, the Tigers' media spokesperson and George, an interpreter for top leader Thamilselvan have surrendered with their families. To the world, they were the voice of the LTTE. The defeat is all but complete, except the capture of LTTE's supremo Prabhakaran. The government believes that Prabhakaran is still in hiding in the area and cannot escape.

The politicians in Tamil Nadu are speaking in different voices on the Lankan offensive on the LTTE. While Vaiko threatened of a bloodbath if Prabhakaran is killed, Karunanidhi called the LTTE chief his friend, whereas Jayalalithaa opted to keep her stand on the issue undisclosed. And so - how will the end of the LTTE affect Tamil Nadu? [Click & watch video]

Endgame for LTTE is not endgame for Tamils in Sri Lanka

by A.S. Kalkat

Twenty years ago Sri Lanka’s President Ranatunge Premadasa announced that his government and LTTE leader Velupillai Prabakaran had come together and demanded that the Indian Peace Keeping Force leave. A hundred thousand casualties and a shattered economy later, this week President Mahinda Rajapaksha issued an ultimatum to the LTTE to surrender or perish. Despite many voices in India and elsewhere sounding the alarm for over two years that a gigantic human tragedy was waiting to happen in Sri Lanka, it was allowed to happen notwithstanding the international community and human rights organisations being aware of it.

This article has long been under preparation, for nearly two years, but had to wait out the time to see how the endgame would play out. The final showdown is in an area of 8 sq km immediately north of Mullaitivu designated as a No Fire Zone (NFZ). LTTE cadres of unknown strength are ranged against Sri Lankan forces. The presence of the LTTE leader, Prabakaran, is not confirmed, and he may or may not be there. The LTTE is fighting for its existence and the Sri Lanka forces are fighting for the survival of their country’s sovereignty. Sandwiched between them are nearly 70,000 starving and long-suffering men, women, and children under inhuman conditions.

It may be the endgame for the LTTE and its supremo but it is certainly not the endgame for the Tamils of Sri Lanka. It will serve to remember that it was not Prabakaran who created the ethnic conflict but the ethnic conflict that spawned a Prabakaran. If the cause of the ethnic conflict is not addressed, the end of the LTTE and its leader will be just a short-term victory.
Why did the LTTE lose?

The first question one asks is: why did the LTTE lose? Ironically, Prabakaran and the LTTE have only themselves to blame for it. From their lofty claims in 1986 of protecting the Tamils against atrocities by the Sri Lankan forces, they descended into the predator preying on the same helpless Tamils. It soon became clear that Prabakaran’s goal was not the ballot box but the bullet box with the objective of carving out an autocratic Eelam of ‘AK 47’ dictatorship under him.

The LTTE alienated itself by its forcible recruitment of men, women, and children; usurping the humanitarian aid meant for the devastated population; extracting a ‘living tax’ from the poverty-stricken population; and brutal killings of Tamils who opposed its demand. The truth that LTTE is a ruthless killing machine was evident as early as 1986 when, on the pretext of calling an all-party meeting in Batticaloa of militant leaders, Prabakaran decimated them in a night of the long knives. The only one to escape was K. Padmanabha, the EPRLF leader, who was later gunned down in Chennai.

As long as the LTTE confined itself to guerrilla warfare and terrorism, it was able to bleed Sri Lankan forces and the country’s economy. Its successes in 2005 and 2006 went to its head, resulting in its losing the focus of a guerrilla force. Prabakaran thought that he had achieved Eelam in the North-Eastern Province and the LTTE usurped the trappings of a sovereign ‘state’ with Prabhakaran as ‘head’ of state. He established the state ‘capital’ at Killinochchi; created departments emulating government departments, imposing taxes, dispensing ‘justice’, and issuing ‘travel documents’; and pretended that his armed cadres were the regular army, navy, and air force. Then either due to arrogance or over-confidence, Prabakaran made the blunder of taking on a regular army and tried to fight like one, with disastrous consequences. The LTTE was fighting outside its core competence. This was the undoing of a guerrilla and terrorist organisation, which thought it had suddenly become a regular army.
1987 breakthrough

The irony of all this is that the statutory arrangement to secure the welfare and interests of the Sri Lankan Tamils was served on a plate by India in 1987 and put into effect by December 1988. Prabakaran and the LTTE chose to reject it because he had a different agenda and the concept of democracy was certainly not part of it. The India-Sri Lanka Agreement of July 1987 and Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) operations had ensured the enactment of the 13th Amendment to the Constitution — a giant step in devolution of power to the Northern and Eastern Provinces, resulting in their merger as a single Tamil-majority North-Eastern Province, which had always been the Tamil dream for their ‘traditional homeland.’ Today obtaining even half that dispensation will be difficult: the Northern and Eastern Provinces have since been de-merged, the status and powers of provincial Chief Ministers have been severely constricted, and consequently provincial autonomy has already been compromised.

The question now is: what are India’s options and how should it proceed, keeping in mind that we can ‘stress,’ ‘insist,’ and ‘demand’ – but cannot enforce the solution. It is critical for both governments that they not lose their focus. India’s objective has always has been to ensure the welfare and legitimate rights of the Tamil minority within a united Sri Lanka and it stands committed to this goal. India has no commitment to any militant organisation or leader and the LTTE’s claim to represent all the Tamils of Sri Lanka is just a canard.
Way forward

The reality is that military force alone cannot defeat the adversary. Simultaneous political, economic, and societal initiatives are necessary to end the conflict. For the Tamils, their political future remains a question mark depending on President Rajapaksa’s ability to fulfil their legitimate demands. Although he has indicated every intention to do so, his ability to deliver is limited due to opposition from hard-line Sinhala chauvinists, including those within his party, to enacting the necessary legislation. It is likely he will go in for a general election to get the necessary numbers of his supporters elected before taking the next major political step.

Sri Lanka’s concerns over its territorial integrity and sovereignty are well founded, as are India’s concerns over the security environment in its backyard and the sentiments of its own 60 million-plus Tamils. The leaders of both countries have displayed remarkable restraint and maturity in managing the situation. The time has now come to bell the cat. Unfortunately, there is not even a draft political proposal on the table to kick-start the dialogue. In this political vacuum, the Indo-Sri Lanka Accord of 1987 can serve as the basic document to begin the political dialogue and since it has been passed by parliaments of both countries and placed on the floor of the United Nations it cannot be labelled as unilateral or discriminatory.

India must now demand that: (i) the LTTE lay down arms and release the civilians in the No Fire Zone, (ii) the Sri Lankan government order a ceasefire and undertake a crash rehabilitation programme, (iii) the Sri Lankan government initiate a political dialogue with the Sri Lankan Tamil leaders for a practical and lasting dispensation to meet the legitimate Tamil demands. India must associate itself as an observer in the political dialogue but it must be kept in mind that only the government of a country can give dispensation to its citizens, not an outside power.

It could be a coincidence that whenever India has been confronted with a crisis situation in relation to Sri Lanka — as in 1989 when President Premadasa demanded recall of the IPKF or in 2008 when President Rajapaksa decided on full-fledged military operations against the LTTE — the timing has been surreal, coinciding with the run-up to general elections in India. However, it is no coincidence that our political parties have not hesitated to use it as a card in domestic electoral politics. Today with the grave threat of global terror confronting us, the dangers are very great and the stakes too high for anyone to play any kind of political cards.

(Lieutenant-General (retd.) A.S. Kalkat is Director Emeritus, Centre for Joint Warfare Studies, New Delhi. He is a former Army Commander and was the IPKF Chief. His email id is kalkat@vsnl.com)

April 26, 2009

Western PC Verdict: Sinhala “wave” for Govt Though Minorities voting against

by Kusal Perera

The much awaited Western Provincial Council Elections were over 24 hours ago and the results have just rolled in for the constituencies in all 03 districts, sans individual preference vote counts that may take another 24 hours (today, Sunday 26 April) or even more. On the face value of the results, the Rajapaksa regime that contested as the UPFA has swept the sheet clean with 64.7% of the votes polled and 68 seats out of the total 104 in the Western Provincial Council. It’s a big win no doubt with the main Opposition the UNP managing only 29.6% of the votes polled and 30 seats. The JVP once again got totally decimated with 2.4% votes giving them just 03 seats from all 03 districts.

In a country where even local government and provincial elections are campaigned for on strictly "national issues" instead of development and other issues relevant to the local and provincial areas, the call for a vote in support of the Rajapaksa regime for eliminating "Tamil terrorism" was the centre stage of this WP elections as it was in all other previous PC elections. This time the call was much stronger with all media crying out loud that the Tamil Tigers have been almost wiped out and this vote for the ruling party at the Western PC elections would be a vote of gratitude to a leadership that saved the nation from Tamil terrorists. Thus the campaign for votes went beyond that of an election campaign and was clearly planted in the Sinhala Buddhist hegemonic campaign this regime organised around the war during the last two and a half years.

The hype that was created in the final push for the remaining patch of land in Mullaitivu, despite its human agony, its human slaughter, mobilised Sinhala Buddhist votes here in the Sinhala majority South, though distancing all minorities from the government. This regime showed it is not so much worried about Minorities. It thus tried to force itself even in the Colombo city area, trying to pull out a victory that would give them an advantage as one that for the first time defeated the United National Party (UNP) in its own traditional stronghold.

Western Province (WP) holds a very important key in showing how the political fate of different political ideologies and political parties fare in the social psyche of Sri Lanka . WP holds or has accumulated over 51% of the countries wealth and thus is the richest of all 09 provinces. Also, the WP has a very cosmopolitan population with a high percentage of Minority ethnicities and religious populations resident in large patches, especially in Colombo . While the two districts Gampaha and Kalutara have 91 and 87 per cent Sinhala populations respectively, Colombo has only a 76 per cent Sinhala population. Colombo has a 13% Tamil and a 10% Muslim population that is a Moor and a Malay population taken together. According to the Colombo District Secretariat, within this Sinhala population of 1.7 million in the district, 13.5% are Catholic and Christian.

These are all factors that had serious implications at this WP elections. While in most constituencies where the Sinhala Buddhist vote dominate, the UPFA polled well over 70% as in Kaduwela (70.1%) and Kesbewa (71.0%) in Colombo district, Horana (75.9%) and Bandaragama (73.3%) in the Kalutara district and then in Attanagalla (72.9%) and Dompe (75.2%) in the Gampaha district. In other constituencies with a good Sinhala majority, the UPFA still managed over 60% of the votes polled as in Kotte (61.9%) and Homagama (66.1%) in Colombo district, Katana (68.8%) and Kelaniya (64.5) in the Gampaha district and in Matugama (67.8%) and Panadura (66.6%) in the Kalutara district.

The trend in voting clearly showed a big shift towards the Rajapaksa regime where the Sinhala Buddhist vote was concerned. Thus even in constituencies like Ja-ela and Wattala where there is a concentration of Catholic and Christian vote, with over 62% and 63% turning out to vote, the UPFA still managed over 58% votes polled. Let's not forget that here in Sri Lanka , though Christian or Catholic, as a Sinhala voter they have often tried to identify themselves within the anti Tamil hype to look very much Sinhala. A typical inferiority complex in a Sinhala Buddhist hegemonic society. Yet where the Minority voters like Tamils and Muslims increase in their presence as in Dehiwala (51.0%) and Borella (49.9%) the UPFA is seen losing their clout.

This is amply demonstrated in the voting in Colombo city. Here the UPFA loses all 05 constituencies. Colombo the commercial hub with a population of 642,163, Sinhalese make up only 41.4 percent of the city's population, while Sri Lankan Tamils are 28.9 percent, Moors and Malays total 25.6 percent and Indian Tamils adding another small 2.2 percent. It's thus 58.6% non Sinhala population as against 41.4% Sinhala in the city of Colombo , a unique demographic pattern in any city outside the N-E provinces.

Therefore, the Sinhala war hype, the agony of the Wanni people, the huge cry against a human carnage unfolding in the Mullaitivu coast, have all played against the otherwise popular Rajapaksa regime. In the 03 electorates Colombo North, Central and West, the Rajapaksa regime could not go beyond 30% and in the remaining 02 constituencies, Colombo East and Borella, they got less than 50% of the votes and lost.

This was despite the Tamil vote in Colombo not going to the polls as strong as it did in previous elections. They had their own reasons for taking this election as one that did not consider them any more as a necessary voter. As one that has any importance in Sri Lankan politics. While the UPFA campaign was a government campaign for winning the war, which obviously left out the Tamil people, all others including the UNP did not take the Tamil voter as an important factor. The UNP shied away from standing with the Tamil people who were being savagely treated in the Wanni. The UNP has not been very clear where they stand on the Tamil conflict with different leaders having different explanations and all leaders in the UNP happy the war is being won – by the "war heroes" as they wish to say. Therefore the Tamil vote that went the UNP way was a "Protest" vote against the Rajapaksa regime and then because the Democratic People's Front's 03 Tamil candidates who contested Colombo district in the UNP list campaigned on a platform of their own, led by Mano Ganesan.

So did the Muslim vote. They had their own list fielded by the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) led by Rauf Hakeem. There was also the internal clash within the UPFA in Colombo city. Their own Muslim candidates in the city came under goon attacks and were prevented from campaigning. The UPFA thus projected itself as a Sinhala dominated power bloc in Colombo . Therefore in Colombo , the Muslim vote too, either went the UNP way or to the SLMC.

This Western Provincial Council election thus shows a very strong polarisation of the Sri Lankan society along ethno-religious lines. The Sinhala voter has not bothered how it would live in a fast deteriorating economy, with consumer prices flying higher, the rupee gradually losing its buying power, all democratic life brutally suppressed and large lay offs in the private sector due to the financial crunch weighing heavily on their lives, given the promise that the Tamil terrorists would be completely wiped off.

All of it has made the Tamils in particular and the Muslims in general consider this government as one they wouldn't ever trust. This Western Provincial Council election shows that Minorities therefore as a rule has voted against the Rajapaksa regime, while as a rule the Sinhala Buddhist voter has gelled more with this regime on the war campaign.

It's now getting more clearer. We are a stubbornly dividing society with Minorities not wanting to have any say in what the Sinhala government does here. The question therefore is, what the future would be, if this trend persists with Colombo governments sticking to their racist politics for Sinhala votes. Not giving the minorities due recognition, but not wanting them to go away either. A dog in the manger no doubt.

Dept of Elections: Western Province Elctions Results

April 24, 2009

Wretched of the Wanni earth break free of bondage

by D.B.S. Jeyaraj

Latest developments on the Wanni war front have brought much relief to all people yearning for the safety of entrapped civilians in the coastal strip of northern Mullaitivu district currently controlled by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE).

The long awaited military operation to break through Tiger defences and facilitate the evacuation of civilians that began at midnight on Sunday April 19 has been a success in terms of numbers.

By Thursday April 24 around 103,000 people from Palammaathalan, Ambalavanpokkanai and Puthumaathalan areas had been freed from what was in reality an open prison.

Since the Government had not geared itself up to handle such large numbers the officials both military and civil are struggling to cope with the large influx. [click here to read the article in full~in DBSJeyaraj.com]

April 23, 2009

Fleeing the war zone and arriving at hospitals with horrific injuries and severe trauma

By Emma Batha

LONDON, April 23 (Reuters) - Thousands of people fleeing Sri Lanka's war zone are arriving at hospitals with horrific injuries and severe trauma, doctors said on Thursday.

Some are dying in buses on their way to hospital, according to doctors working round the clock to treat wounds from shelling and gunfire. Many patients are also deeply traumatised after seeing loved-ones killed in front of them.

CTCP0423A.jpg

[Civilians arrive at the village of Putumatalan in Puthukkudiyirippu, northern Sri Lanka April 22, 2009-Reuters pic]

"About three-quarters of the injured coming in now have suffered from blast injuries, and the rest are gunshot wounds and mine explosions," said Paul McMaster, a surgeon working with Medecins Sans Frontieres (MSF) at a hospital in Vavuniya.

"We are doing a lot of amputations. Many of the lower limbs are severely, severely injured and blown off ... We had a young woman of about 19 who is breastfeeding that I had to do a major leg amputation on. I just wonder what the future for her life and child will be."

The military says more than 100,000 civilians have poured out of the battle zone since Monday when troops blasted through a massive earthen wall built by the Tigers. But the United Nations says tens of thousands more could still be trapped.

E G Gnanakunalan, a Red Cross doctor at a field hospital in Pulmoddai, about 40 km (25 miles) to the south, said many people were extremely traumatised.

"They need some kind of psychological support. They are mentally and physically tortured," he said.

"One lady came and she had been eating with her husband and children. A shell fell on the house and her husband and some of the children died and she lost both her legs. She was crying and asking what would she do in future. There are a lot of sad stories."

The hospital, which has received more than 6,400 people since mid-March, is treating people evacuated by Red Cross ships from the war zone - a narrow strip of land on the northeast coast.

Gnanakunalan said three to four ships had been arriving every week bringing 500 people a time.

Doctors said it was impossible to say which side had caused the injuries. The Sri Lankan military denies Tamil Tiger accusations that it shells civilian areas.

TRAUMA

The government is putting people fleeing the war zone into temporary camps in Vavuniya, about 60 km (37 miles) to the southwest.

MSF's Sri Lanka medical co-ordinator Lisabeth List said staff at the 600-capacity hospital were overwhelmed, with close to 2,000 patients needing treatment.

"It's completely overcrowded. You might have two people in a bed and one lying under the bed and one on each side," she said.

"They are lying in the corridors and outside on the walkways. One ward was so crowded that all the beds were pushed together to make one giant bed."

Many people coming out of the battle zone are also suffering from hunger and dehydration. List said staff had seen one man collapse and die from dehydration shortly after reaching camp.

A U.N. spokesman in Sri Lanka, Gordon Weiss, said people coming out of the war zone were in "very poor condition".

He said a U.N. survey of the camps found a quarter of young children had severe malnutrition and he expected children emerging now to be in even worse health. (Editing by Philippa Fletcher) (For more humanitarian news, visit Reuters AlertNet: www.alertnet.org)

Severely Injured Patients Stream into Vavuniya Hospital

Paul McMaster is working along with another Doctors Without Borders/Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) surgeon and Ministry of Health staff at Vavuniya hospital in the Northern province of Sri Lanka to treat some of the tens of thousands of civilians streaming out of the Vanni, the conflict zone to the north.

Over the last few days an estimated 60,000 civilians have escaped the heavy fighting in the Vanni and many wounded have been brought in buses to Vavuniya hospital. On April 21, MSF reported treating 400 people in 36 hours, almost twice as many patients as were admitted the previous week. The following day, patients continued to arrive at these levels, said Dr. McMaster.

VCTC-0424.jpg

What is the situation at the hospital now?

We and our Sri Lankan colleagues have been dealing with casualties brought into us over these last few days from the conflict in the north of us. We’ve been seeing very severely wounded patients, the numbers of patients have increased rapidly over the last three or four days, so we’re seeing a stream of badly wounded people being brought into us.

Our hospital has got about 450 beds, and we’ve now got more than 1,700 patients in the hospital—on the floor, in the corridors, and even outside. So the hospital is very close to being overwhelmed.

What conditions are the patients arriving in?

About three-quarters of the injured coming in now have suffered from blast injuries, and the rest are gunshot wounds and mine explosions. We are seeing who has survived on the field and actually reached us. We see abdominal injuries, but many of the chest or head injuries we’re suspecting don’t survive the blasts to get to us.

We are doing a lot of amputations. Many of the lower limbs are severely, severely injured and blown off. So we’re doing emergency amputations and a lot of these patients we’re doing abdominal expirations, or damage to internal organs and the bowel, we’re dealing with chest injuries, draining damaged chests and lungs, and we’re dealing with some head injuries as well, but the majority of the severe head injuries don’t make it to us. Buses that bring these people down, people are dying on those buses, and bodies are being taken off the buses sometimes as well.

Are you seeing many women or children with severe injuries?

We’re seeing a lot of men with severe injuries, but we’re also seeing a lot of women, a lot of children. We’re doing amputations on children; we’re doing abdominal expirations for internal damage as well, in children. And sometimes we’re operating on both the mother and father and a child from the same family that had been wounded in the same explosion or mine. We’re seeing whole families that are wounded sometimes.

We had a young woman of about 19 who is breastfeeding that I had to do a major leg amputation on. I just wonder what the future for her life and child will be. We’re seeing children that have no parents with them. We had a little boy with a blast amputation of his leg, I think he’s about five, and he’s being looked after by his big brother, who’s about seven, and we don’t know where the parents are or whether they’re even alive. But these two little children are in the middle of a very traumatic hospital setting on their own.

In what sort of mental state do patients arrive?

Well we’re obviously seeing the critically injured and the shock patients. As I said earlier, they just lie silently waiting their turn to get the treatment. We’re dealing with critical people who need surgery urgently, and truthfully there’s little time to go further. We have people in the team who are counselors and mental officers who are working in the camps. But these are deeply, deeply traumatized people. We have children sitting in the middle of emergency wards seeing people brought in with major blasts limb injuries. And these are children, just sitting silently, emotionless, in the middle of all this, as we try to treat them and move them quickly up to the surgery or the ward.

Can you tell what the patients’ living conditions must have been like before they arrived at the hospital?

Many of them clearly have been living under very difficult conditions. They come in needing acute surgery, so are not able to eat, and certainly some of them have had little to eat in the previous days. They come with nothing; they have barely the clothes that they have on. Of course, they’re injured. The family members, if there is one, come with nothing – no pots, no pans. We and our other colleagues and organizations give them sometimes some clothes and sandals and a mattress. And we’re also feeding in the camps, supporting in the camps, thousands of children and pregnant women who need supplementary food to try to build them up again.

What are the challenges to providing care in the hospital right now?

The post-operative care is the area of main concern, really. It’s very difficult. We have a ward that I think is supposed to have 45 beds; we’ve had something like 325 patients in it. It’s extremely difficult to give any quality post-operative care, and we try constantly to pick out the ones who are at risk of infection or sepsis.

The nurses work very hard; the nurses are working 19-, 20-hour shifts. But even so, there are very few nurses to go around. And often it’s trying to pick the patient with the problem and deal with it, rather sometimes doing our full normal quality of work that we want to support these people. It is very difficult for all the staff here, who are all working very, very hard.

What do you expect to see in the coming days?

From what I hear, the numbers are likely to continue over these coming days, and could even increase. We’re making what preparations we can to receive and even larger number of casualties over these coming days. And our hope and prayer would be, of course, this stops very quickly, but I’ve seen no sign of that as yet, and I’ve not heard anything from the team or our Sri Lankan colleagues to suggest that’s going to stop any time soon. [MSF]

LTTE and Tamil People: Setting the scene–II

by Prof.Michael Roberts

PART TWO

In their moral anguish the human rights activists of compassionate heart took little note of this powerful element in the firmament embracing the northern Vanni. None of them spelt out the means by which the LTTE could be persuaded to release the people in their besieged territory (as pointed out in one comment in groundviews). Take Lionel Bopage’s first response in groundviews to my first Dilemmas article: "there is an urgent need for the involvement of an international body such as the UN, to create a safe passage to affected civilians and ensure their protection." The peremptory demand bears an evangelical strain: an expectation of some miraculous happening through the agency of the UN or some other international outfit. Even with my limited expertise in the field of international affairs, this seemed to be a utopian anticipation: the UN machinery is quite cumbersome, while the global politics bearing on penetrations into the sovereign territory of nation states is labyrinthine (as events proved).

I wondered to myself at that point if some of the leading activists would offer to make up a team that would combine with LTTE sympathisers of the diaspora, say, the Editor of the Tamil Guardian, in order to helicopter into LTTE territory under a white flag organised by local ICRC personnel; and there, in that forlorn context, attempt to persuade the Tiger leadership to lay down arms and abstain from any bargaining demands (the other object of the LTTE exodus exercise). "Let the people go" voiced by personnel who are not enemies could have been a powerful appeal. If such a successful emergency intervention had taken place at that point, then, of course, I would have been pleased to eat all my words.

Dilemmas focused on the immediate situation in early February 2009. As Bopage knows well, I remain firmly committed to "a political solution which genuinely devolves power to address the issues that gave rise to the war in the first place" (Bopage’s words immediately after the part-sentence that I have quoted). Arguably, though of course debatably, the military defeat of the LTTE may facilitate that process, if -- a big IF this -- Sinhala triumphalism and the chauvinist forces within the governing coalition do not climb to reigning position.

Political devolution and a process of development that equalises job opportunities for the people of north and east are both integral to such post-war goals. This urgent project of the immediate future must enshrine the fundamental rights of Tamil, Muslim and all other citizens of Sri Lanka in ways that do not render them subject to the whims of new elected governments and all-powerful Presidents. The Sri Lankan Tamil peoples’ struggle for dignity and self-determination from the 1950s, after, all, did not seek this status as a gift from the Sinhalese, but as the rights of citizens of Sri Lanka. The principle of a consociation of nationalities within the Sri Lankan nation, or a "new form of confederative alliance that gives scope to the majoritarian force of the Sinhala nation without subsuming the Tamil nation and Muslim community" (Roberts 2000b), a principle that rejects the subordination of whole (Sri Lankan) within part (Sinhalese), must, as I have insisted consistently (Roberts 2000c, 2002, 2008a, b and c), be a pillar in this new scaffolding.

The nature of the possible political settlement in the coming months is not the issue I raise here. That vital focus has already been signalled by GROUNDVIEWS in its appeal for suggestions on the subject (see one note by me – Roberts 2009e). Important suggestions have been presented by web-articles by Rajan Philips, Dushy Ranetunge, et cetera. As self-evident, the terrain I cover in the two sets of articles addresses (A) the cultural ingredients conditioning and motivating the sacrificial dedication to cause demonstrated by the vast majority of Tiger fighters -- not just the karumpuli; (B) the relationship between the LTTE regime and the Tamil people in the lands they ruled; and (C) the degree of coercion and/or popular participation in the exodus activated by the LTTE in the northern Vanni in late 2008 when the Sri Lankan army juggernaut got rolling and the LTTE mounted what must, in military terms, be considered a magnificent retreat in the circumstances.

Ironically, some GOSL spokesmen and some human rights agencies/activists seem to be agreed in their conclusion that the Tamil peoples of exodus were "forced" into moving with the retreating Tigers. This, in my view, is a sweeping generalisation. The fact that some 65,000 of these civilians have struggled out of Tigerland in the past three months is not proof of the government contention as generalisation.

That is to read the present into the past of, say, August-November 2008. We must allow for a change of minds. And I insist that the relationship between LTTE regime and people between 1990 and mid-2008 had some symbiotic strands and participatory faith/hope/ oneness. The kudumbum (m?v?rar familie) and the kinfolk of active LTTE cadres had stakes in the regime – rather like the soldier families settled on Saipan by the Japanese state. In both instances I refuse to believe that all the civilians had no agency and were mere ciphers responding to the dictates of the command state when they joined in the exodus in Sri Lanka or jumped en masse off Banzai Cliff in Saipan in mid-1944. Readiness to negate one’s being for the higher purpose of an ultra-nationalist cause is a possibility that I present as counter-point to views that treat all the people as corks on water. This is a question, a quarrel really, about agency.

Part I - Tamil people and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam I

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Bopage, Lionel 2009 "Colombo, English, Human Rights, IDPs and Refugees, Jaffna, Peace and Conflict, Politics," www.groundviews.org, mid-February.

Jeyaraj, D. B. S. 2009a"Top Tiger leaders killed in a major debacle for LTTE," www.transcurrents.com, 6 April.

Jeyaraj, D. B. S. 2009b "Theepan of the LTTE: Heroic Saga of a Northern Warrior," Daily Mirror, 11 April 2009.

Ohnuki-Tierney, Emiko 2002 Kamikaze, Cherry Blossoms and Nationalisms, The Militarization of Aesthetics in Japanese History, University of Chicago Press.

Ohnuki-Tierney, Emiko 2006 Kamikaze Diaries. Reflections on Japanese Student Soldiers, University of Chicago Press.

Roberts, M. 2000b "History as Dynamite," Prav?da, vol. 6, no. ?, pp. 11-13. Also published in the Island Special Millennium Issue, 1 Jan 2000, pp. 43-44

Roberts, M. 2000c "The Sri Lankan Identity," Lanka Monthly Digest, November 2000, vol 7: 4, pp. 43-44.

Roberts, M. 2002 "Hyphenated Identities," Lanka Monthly digest, August 2002, pp. 129, 131.

Roberts, M. 2008a "Split Asunder: Four Nations in Sri Lanka," www.groundviews.org, 13 January 2008.

Roberts, M. 2008b "Addressing the Nations of Sri Lanka," in www.groundviews.org, 27 January 2008.

Roberts, M. 2008c "Issues for Tamil Nationalism: Revisiting Publius," www.groundviews.org, 24 March 2008.

Roberts, M. 2009c "Dilemma’s At War’s End: Thoughts on Hard Realities," www.groundviews.org, 10 Feb. 2009 and Island, 11 Feb. 2009.

Roberts, M. 2009d "Dilemmas at Wars End: Clarifications & Counter-Offensive," www.groundviews.org, 17 Feb. 2009.

Roberts, M. 2009e "The Needs of the Hour," www.groundviews.org, 1 April 2009.

Victoria, Brian D. 2003 Zen War Stories, London: Routledge.

Victoria, Brian D. 2004"The Ethical Implications of Zen-related Terrorism in 1930s Japan," AAR Zen Seminar, San Antonio, November 2004.

Victoria, Brian D. 2006 Zen at War, 2nd edn. New, York: Weatherhill.

Colombo Conference: Meeting Between Diaspora Tamils and the Government of Sri Lanka

by T . Constantine - London

The objective of this article is to report the proceedings of the meeting organized by the Foreign Affairs Ministry and to share the views expressed therein. The word of mouth about the meeting started to surface in November last year. Dr. Nadesan (Uthayan Paper) of Australia was instrumental in initiating it. At the beginning it was rumored that the meeting would be held in Delhi. Subsequently it was reported that due to the forthcoming elections in India, it would be held in Singapore. The invitations and the agenda were sent out accordingly. However, one week before the meeting the venue was shifted to Colombo, said to be due to ‘unavoidable circumstances’. Security related concern was the reason privately attributed by some Ministry staff. The letters sent out with regard to the meeting and the agenda were published in many websites including the tamilnet. Many invitees decided not to participate at the meeting as a result of last minute change of venue. Some, while expressing their discontent over the change of venue have also conveyed their displeasure over the agenda of the meeting.

The agenda was purported to create a forum to listen to the speeches of the Government Ministers and Officials rather than creating a space for dialogue with the expatriate Tamils. This concern was raised by many and they requested to allocate more time to exchange views. They also raised their concern that the Government should not use this conference as a propaganda forum for the state. The officials who listened to these complain, not only made changes in the agenda but also gave assurance that the Government would not use this conference for its propaganda purpose. While the Government pledged not to use this forum for its political promotion, it was saddening to note that participants were vying with each other to give interviews to the press.

More distressing to note was that some were trying to make it as a meeting to demonstrate support to the Government of Mahinda Rajapaksa and as a forum for anti LTTE convergence. Nevertheless, there was an overall unity and consensus of opinion amongst the participants. Another notable thing amongst the participants was their respect for different opinions and the willingness to accommodate those views.

Twenty one people from nine countries such as England, France, Germany, and Switzerland. Norway, Saudi Arabia, Denmark, Australia and Canada participated in the meeting. Foreign Affairs Minister Rohitha Bogollagama, Secretary to the Foreign Affairs Ministry Dr. Palitha Kohona, President’s Secretary Lalith Weeratunga, and Senior Adviser to President Basil Rajapaksa, Minister Professor Tissa Vitarana, Minister D. E. W. Gunasekera and Central Bank Governor Ajith Cabral participated on behalf of the Government.

28.03.09(Saturday)

‘There cannot be space for terrorism and oppression in a country that is predominantly Buddhists.’ - Dr. Palitha Kohona, Secretary to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

The proceedings on the first day started with the address of Dr. Palitha Kohona, Secretary to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. He said that a new chapter is about to be written after three decades of war. The notions such as the LTTE are the sole representatives of the Tamils and that they are liberation fighters cannot be accepted, he emphasized. Dr. Kohona while stressing that in a country that is predominantly Buddhists, there cannot be any room for terrorism and oppression and he called upon the people of all races to forget the bitterness and to unite. He appealed to the Tamil Diaspora to help towards the education and emancipation of the children in the North and East.

He claimed that the country has lost many valuable lives due to the three decades of war and thousands of scholars and workers have migrated as a result. He stressed that in today’s context the Government will never agree for a ceasefire and said that the LTTE in the past have always made use of the ceasefire for its wrongdoings.

Rejection of the 13th amendment by the LTTE is a historical error– Foreign Affairs Minister Rohitha Bogollagama.

After the welcome speech, Foreign Affairs Minister Rohitha Bogollagama spoke on the subject of ‘Future of Sri Lanka in the aftermath of the war’. The Government is willing to work with all the democratic forces, said the Minister, but it is a great mistake in the present situation the TNA is not engaging itself with the Government. He recalled the meetings he had with late Anton Balasingham and Tamilchelvan and said the LTTE had made a historical mistake by rejecting the 13th amendment.

Minister admitted the intricacy of the situation of the refugees in the North and East and said that his Government is endeavoring to solve the issues faced by them. He said that he is willing to bring constitutional amendments without jeopardizing the unity of the country.

‘East is lacking experienced and capable political leadership’ - Ministry Official

The speeches of both Minister Rohitha Bogollagama and Dr. Palitha Kohona were not deep-rooted, they were just grazing. It was more of a sentimental appeal. They described the changes that have taken place in the Eastern Province as a leap towards democracy, but they failed to mention anything about the real complex ground situation and the inability to re-establish democracy in that province. It shows that it is difficult to engage in an open and pragmatic dialogue with those who are in the democratic mainstream of national politics.

However, when we spoke to the respective ministers and their officials privately, we were able to engage in fruitful discussion with regard to many practical difficulties encountered. One of the advisors of the minster of the Eastern Province, while speaking privately with regard to the devolution of power, confessed that due to the non-availability of experienced and knowledgeable officials to undertake mega-projects, most of the work is being carried out from the centre. He said that creating an administrative structure with able and talented officials is not an easy task that could be done over the night. Another advisor while expressing his view privately said that in the East there are no educated politicians; hence interference by the centre is inevitable. It is not a preplanned act of the Government, it is the reality, he further added.

One of the Tamil participants very clearly emphasized that if the Government intends to bring forth the democracy akin to the one East in the North that would not be an indication of progress.

Speech of Dr. Nadesan – Not reflecting the aspirations of the Tamils.

After the minister, Dr. Nadesan (Australia) spoke on behalf of the Tamil participants. He said that there is no firm leadership to the Tamil community today. Those who claim to be the leaders are not prepared to face the reality, he said. Dr. Nadesan’s speech reflected more of Governments position rather than revealing the political aspirations of the Tamils. He should have emphasized the responsibility of the Government in resolving the issue politically. He should have, in particular, pointed out the inordinate delay in bringing the necessary constitutional amendment to meet with the aspirations of the Tamils. Almost all the Tamil participants were aspiring to put it across, but Dr. Nadesan’s speech did not either mention or emphasized that need. The tone of his speech was that you do what ever you want we would continue to extend our support, which was very perturbing.

APRC – All Party Representative Committee

Followed by Dr. Nadesan was Minister Professor Tissa Vitarana, who spoke on the subject of devolution of power. He started by tracing the history of the APRC and said that the UNP is not a participant of the committee at present, but expressed his hope that they would join in the future. In short, APRC appear to be like a snake without the teeth to bite. Although the aim of the APRC is for a good cause, the prolonging of its proceedings for years without reaching any solution shows that it is going to be a futile exercise.

Professor Vitarana said that today 53% of the people from the North and East are living in other districts and that any political demand other than devolution of powers would be an impossible one. Professor Vitarana’s lengthy speech was void of any political intricacy, but it clearly articulates the APRC’s powerlessness.

Although he said that the APRC would recommend a proposal based on Westminster Parliamentary system with devolution of powers, he has not mentioned any time framework for the submission of the proposal. Minister Professor Tissa Vitarana appears to be a person with clear political vision, but without political clout.

Sinhala only act of 1956 is a scar in the pages of history– President’s Secretary Lalith Weeratunga.

The next speaker was President’s Secretary Lalith Weeratunga, who spoke on the subject of ‘Civil administration and the practical difficulties’. He said that only a few Tamils join the civil administration today and there is only a handful of Tamils in the higher echelon of the service. He pointed out that the Government is fully aware of the misery of the Tamils from time to time and that it has initiated action to remedy the situation. Every five minutes, during the course of his speech, Weeratunga quoted from Mahinda Chintanaya. He contended that in the history of Sri Lankan only the present president laid down the policies in writing. He also pointed out that in Mahinda Chintanaya the president had stated his willingness for a direct dialogue with the LTTE leader. He described the 1956 Sinhala only act as a scar in the pages of history.

Following the address of Lalith Weeratunga, the session was opened for discussion. Replying to the views expressed by the Tamil participants, the President’s Secretary said peace and prosperity cannot be achieved by enacting laws alone. He said that President Mahinda Rajapaksa is taking personal interest to ensure the implementation of Tamil as an official language. He cited as an example that forty officials attached to the Presidential Secretariat are studying Tamil on the direction of the President.

Replying to a question raised by a Tamil participant, Minister Professor Tissa Vitarana said that there is an invisible third force in politics today. This third force is keen on continuing the war.

He said that many people are swindling millions of rupees as a result of fraud, corruption and administrative irregularities associated with the war. These personals will always hamper the efforts to bring peace and stability in the country, minister further added. He revealed that these are the forces behind the killing of parliamentarian Joseph Pararajasingam on the Christmas day few years ago. These third forces are using their henchmen to contest parliamentary elections spending millions of rupees.

Dawn of the East

After the brief exchange of views and question time, the advisor for the programme “Dawn of the East’ Chandra Fernando addressed the audience. He authenticated his speech by showing photographs of the mega development projects carried out in the East.

From the facts presented and the photographs shown it is evident that many mega development projects are being carried out in the East. Nevertheless, there is no indication that democratic political leaders of the East viz. Chief Minister Chandrakanthan and Minister Karuna have any role in those development projects. All these development activities are being carried out under the direction and supervision of President’s Senior Advisor Basil Rajapaksa.

Open Discussion: The growth and strengthening of regional, racial and religious political parties will not be apposite for a healthy society. That will lead to hazardous proportions.- Foreign Affairs Minister

Then the session was opened for questions and answers and for discussion with Minister Rohitha Bogollagama. His replies could be summarized as follows:

1. The elections in the North will be held very soon.

2. The programme to resettle the refugees will commence early.

3. The growth and strengthening of regional, racial and religious political parties will not be apposite for a healthy society. That will lead to hazardous proportions.

4. The migration of Tamils from North to South in increasing daily. The Government is actively engaged in reducing it.

5. The propaganda machinery of the LTTE is well established in the foreign countries. The Government is now prepared to counter it.

Most of the views expressed by the Tamil participants were baseless sermons. However the view expressed by one participant from Australia, Mr Raveendran, echoed the aspirations of the Tamils as a whole. His views were resolute and decisive. One Tamil participant pronounced that he is a fan of President Mahind Rajapaksa, for which another participant demonstrated his support by clapping alone. These degrading conducts made me to feel what was said in a Tamil axiom - losing even the loin-cloth, the piece of cloth that was upholding the self respect.

29.03.09 Sunday

Minister D. E. W Gunasekera

The last day session was focused on development, reconciliation and bringing understanding amongst races. The main speaker was Constitutional Affairs and National Integration Minister D. E. W Gunasekera. It should be noted that Minister D. E. W. Gunasekera is the leader of the Sri Lanka Communist Party and a longstanding politician.

He recalled how LTTE, in the past, have eliminated other political parties and suppressed the political opinions. He reminded that the organizer for Northern Province of the Communist Party was assassinated by the LTTE and that the party press was set on fire by them. He gave an extensive discourse about the constitutional provisions with regard to the rights of the minorities and the legal provisions related to the rehabilitation of surrendered combatants.

Detention Camps – Rehabilitation Centre

Secretary to the Ministry of Justice and Law Reforms Suhada Gamalath, replying to a question with regard to the detainees kept under ‘Prevention of Terrorism Act.’ for a long period of time, explained the practical difficulties in framing charges against these youths. He assured that very soon all those who cannot be charged before the court of law will be released.

There was a lengthy discussion about the Rehabilitation Centers where the LTTE child soldiers who were either arrested or surrendered are being rehabilitated.

An invitation was extended to the Tamil participants to visit the child rehabilitation centre in Ambepusava on Colombo Kandy Road.

Accordingly, the following day all the participants were taken to Ambepusava to see the child combatants captured in the war front.

The participants were told of the Government’s expectation from expatriate Tamils towards the welfare of these children. At present everything such as education, food and clothing are provided by the Government.

During a lengthy discussion, the Ministers repeatedly sought the assistance from expatriate Tamils. Those who are willing to provide assistance need not send it through the Government, they can be directly send to the respective officers in charge of the centre, it was told.

Winding up of the meeting

The following requests were made, in the winding up speech delivered by Foreign Affairs Ministry Secretary Dr. Palitha Kohona.

1. Expatriate Tamils should take part in the development and growth of the country.

2. Must join whole heartedly in discussions to learn from the past and to find solutions to the issues.

3. These types of meetings and discussions should have taken place long ago; it should not be delayed hereinafter.

4. The issues of the internally displaced people have to be addressed without delay.

5. The Government of President Mahinda Rajapaksa has only 59 Parliament MPP out of the 225. The rest are MPP of the coalition parties. All should understand the political intricacies and extend their support towards peace building process.

6. All are responsible for the current crisis in the country; hence it is the duty of all to join together in finding the remedial measures.

7. It is a false propaganda that genocide is taking place in the country. In spite of all the troubles, thousands of Tamils are living in Colombo and its outskirts. Ninety five percentages of those living in Wellawatta are Tamils. Government considers this as a healthy sign of progress.

8. There is no point in repeatedly scratching an old wound. All should feel it from the bottom of their heart and come forward to find solutions.

9. The issue of refugees is not a new phenomenon. Ninety five percentages of those displaced from Vakarai and Mutur have now been resettled. We will implement the same programme of work for the North.

Replies by Basil Rajapaksa to the questions raised by the Tamil participants.

Although the name of the Senior Advisor to President Basil Rajapaksa too was mentioned in the agenda, he did not come to Mt. Lavinia hotel to participate in the meeting. We are able to gauge that it was a last minute decision due to security concern that prevented him from attending the venue.

Once the meeting was over, all the participants were put into a vehicle and taken to the old Parliament building at Galle Face, where the office of the President’s Secretariat is functioning. A meeting was arranged there between the Tamil participants and Basil Rajapaksa. The meeting lasted for about four hours. By answering all the questions put across calmly and patiently with facts and figures he has proofed himself to be a person managing all the activities.

His ability and authority has been proofed beyond any doubt when he answered and countered the tough questions put across with regard to the reports that some of the displaced people are missing and about the future of those refugees.

At the beginning he allowed about twenty to twenty five questions to be asked and he answered all the questions. Some of the important answers are as follows:

1.In the Mahinda Chintanaya it has been stated clearly that the Government was prepared to talk to LTTE and its leader Prapakaran to resolve the issues.

2. We were determined to solve the issues faced by the country. We had no reservations in this respect. I went personally to Geneva, without the knowledge of the media, to meet Pulithevan and late Balasingam and TamilChelvan.

3. The fire power of the LTTE was mighty. We knew it. The people of Vanni have no political clout. It is the Tamil Diaspora that has to express their feeling to the LTTE.

4. Today many people are trying to visit refugee camps in Vanni like visiting a Zoo to see the animals. It is not fair, they are not exhibits. Help this people that is what is needed.

5. There is a rumor that I personally send TNA parliamentarian Vinothan to refugee camps in Vanni and instigated him to speak in parliament about the betterment of the camps.It is a false propaganda. Vinothan requested permission to visit the camp to see his relatives and accordingly the permission was granted, that’s all. What he spoke in parliament about the conditions of the refugees is his personal opinion, from what he had seen there. No body needs to apply pressure to speak of that in parliament and we have not requested so.

6. It is not practically possible to continuously keep those refugee camps. We don’t intend to do so. We are politicians, we depend on the peoples votes. We are aware of one thing from our past experience, those who are in the refugee camps will always vote against the state. In the past elections we were in the eighth place in some of the refugee camps. Do we need this?

7. According to our plans and programmes, there won’t be any refugees in Sri Lanka in another three years time. Within a short period of time we have resettled about 200,000 people. This is a World record.

8. The refuges in the Vanni area are kept in constricted enclosed area protected by barbed wire. It is true their freedom of movement is restricted. This situation is not going to continue for ever. The documentation of thousands of people and to issue them with identity cards is not an easy task. Most of the refugees don’t have any documents to proof their identity. Very soon we will complete the process of registration and issuing them with identity cards as we have done in the East. We have successfully completed this programme in the East; we will implement it in the North very soon.

9. I will make arrangement for all of you to visit these camps freely. You see it yourself. There may be practical issues, as far as possible we are trying to remedy it immediately. In the last few weeks alone about 10 officials have been transferred out due to various allegations.

10. Propaganda is being carried out in foreign countries that those in the refugee camps are subject to sexual harassment and being subject contraceptive treatment.

We would not betray our own people; you all go and witness it. As compared to Dafur and other refugee camps world over, our refugee camps are in better standard. This is a short term achievement; we are keen on resettling them.

11. Today there are many social issues in the refugee camps than the political and security issues. Some outsiders have taken those refugees declaring as relatives and keep them as domestic servants. Those in the refugee camps are economically and educationally in a backward position. From communicating with the officials to writing a small letter, they cannot do of their own. They need help. We are fully aware of their anxiety.

12. There is another misinformation campaign carried out in the foreign countries that the Government intentionally steer up the refugees in order to drive them out from their traditional habitat. It is totally untrue. About 97% of those who were displaced from the East in recent times have already been resettled in their places of residence.

13. In an informal manner we are in touch with Norway Government, newly appointed LTTE coordinator K.P and other LTTE leaders in the foreign countries. Even yesterday John Holmes has spoken to K.P. No body new about it. While waging a war we have not forgotten the politics. Whatever it is, we cannot and we will not change our stance on the international arrest warrant against the seven including Prabakaran and Pottu Amman. These seven people will have to face the charges according to the international law. We are prepared to discuss all other issues other than this.

14. We are prepared to work with TNA. If they don’t talk to us how can we solve the issues? We have repeatedly told this to TNA leader Sampanthan.

All the replies of Basil Rajapaksa were substantiated with facts. He had a heap of files with him. For each of his reply, he validated it by showing the respective file. Although there were three secretaries around him to assist, Basil Rajapaksa appear to be more familiar and talented in taking the appropriate files and locating the required document. At times he answered the questions jokingly and at certain times signaled the media personal to leave the room.

At one point while explaining about the IDP camps, he referred to a letter written by TULF leader Anandasangari to him. Everybody laughed at when he pointed out that Sangari had requested in his letter to give biscuits and tea at 10am and 4pm to the IDPs.

When he was questioned about the intense security search against the Tamils he shared his experience in Geneva when he visited recently. He said that when he went to UN with dhoti, the security officials requested him to remove the belt. Then he said, he explained to them that if he removes it the dhoti will fall down.

Dignitaries we met

In the two days summit and the banquets held, lot of events took place over and above the decided agenda. Some were able to make private meetings with some of the officials who participated in the meeting. The important dignitaries I met with were;

1. Minister Rohitha Bogollagama
2. Foreign Affairs Ministry Secretary Dr.Palitha Kohona.
3. Presidents Secretary Lalith Weeratunga
4. Senior Advisor to President Basil Rajapaksa.
5. Minister D. E. W. Gunasekera
6. Minister Tissa Vitarana
7. TNA MP Sri Kantha
8. Minister Karuna
9. Minister Douglas Devananda
10. PLOTE leader Sidarthan
11. TULF leader Anandasangari
12. EPRLF (Naba faction) Sugu
13. Advisor to Eastern Province Ministry Chandra Fernando
14. Minister Mahidananda Aluthgamage
15. American Ambassador for Sri Lanka Robert Blake
16. The First Secretary in Indian embassy B. Siam
17. Secretary to Ministry of Justice and Law Reforms Suhada Gamalath
18. Private Secretary to Minister Karuna Santhini Perera

Other than those referred to above, I was able to meet many officials and advisors privately. What I was able to see (from Sri Lankan officials) is that today Srilankan politicians are matured politically. While the Tamil polity was centered on political violence, the Sinhalese politicians were focusing on massive strategic programmes along with military actions. As a result, while the Srilankan government was able to secure their standing before the international community, the Tamil community has been compelled to jump into the Thames River dancing with their with their drums and trumpets.

The epics of the Diaspora

The political maturity and the apposite behavior found in the Srilankan politicians and officials are no match to the conduct of the Tamil Diaspora who had been domicile in the Western countries for over two decades.

The participants from the Diaspora community wasted their time on either attacking the LTTE or in praising and commending the Government, rather than collectively raising their voices on concrete political issues, arguing with factual evidence and engaging in constructive political dialogue.

I was feeling ashamed and humiliated when some participants raised questions centered on their profession or their children.

It was a disgrace to the Tamils that some participants, read out quotations from Einstein and Churchill from the scribbles.

It was saddening to note that most of the Tamil participants were not conversant with basic protocol as to how to perform and conduct in a meeting of this nature.

One of the Tamil dignitaries, who gave the vote of thanks, spoke about his job and his wife’s background. The conduct of the Tamil participants clearly illustrates that in political apprehension they are still like the frog living in a well.

Moreover, it is very distressing to note that some participants elevated themselves as representative of the Tamils and Tamil leaders. The interviews given by some participants to the media did not reflect the collective will of all the participants.

To see the memorandums handed over by the Tamil participants, official statement of the Government and the media reports with regard to this meeting visit http://srilankan-diaspora.org/

Consensus amongst the Diaspora

There was one common opinion amongst all the participants. There is no military solution to the problem of the Tamils; LTTE are not the sole representatives of the Tamils; only through negotiation with the Sri Lanka Government that the problem of the Tamils can be resolved; the propaganda carried out by the LTTE in the Western countries are to safeguard the LTTE leadership and not to resolve the political problem of the Tamils; there should be a ceasefire and refugees should be resettled in their original places of residence.

31.03.2009 Tuesday

Visit to IDP camps in Vavunia

This visit was organized by the Foreign Affairs Ministry at the direction Basil Rajapaksa on the request of the Tamil participants. Nine Tamil participants and four officials from the Foreign Affairs Ministry accompanied by security personal went to Vavunia by road.

In the vicinity of Madawachiya, army or police sentry points could be seen almost every 50 feet, irrespective of whether it is a shrub land or jungle area. We could not get the opportunity to either talk to them or to observe their activities, since we were escorted by security personal. But, we could see people being subject to security checks in all the check points. There was no indication of any force being used or misuse by officers. As far as we could observe the security checks were swift and carried out without causing any difficulty. We have not seen any no long queues in front of these check points.

When we passed Madawachiya, Thandikulam and Eeraperiyakulam along A9 route, we were able to see de-mining activities being carried out in most of the places. There were indications of de-mining activities as well as notice boards. The presence of Buddhist Viharas, Mosques and Hindu Temples were common occurrences up to Madawachiya junction.

Gigantic poster of Mahinda Rajapaksa and a poster depicting child soldiers being engaged in war are the main attraction at Vavunia junction. The prevalence of grief and sorrow across the Vavunia city is noticeable. The city appears to be quiescent without the spirit of liveliness. We had a brief discussion with assistant Government Agent Sampanthan and senior officer Paramanathan about the situation in Vavunia. Sampanthan gave details about 48,859 refugees who had come from combat areas up to 30.03.09 and that they are being housed in 15 schools. He told us that those who are in the detention camps are worried, frustrated and perturbed. They are showing their resentment on the officials, he said.

After this meeting we were taken to Gamini Mahavidyalaya, about half a mile from Vavunia junction. According the Government Agent’s account up to 30.03.09, 1487 people were registered there. While we were there, more than 300 people were at the gate waiting for registration. When we set foot to speak with those people who had just arrived, I could see the eyes of all of us, including the Foreign Affairs Ministry officials who accompanied us, were soaked with tears. It is difficult to describe in words the conditions of those refugees who had just arrived.

We cannot forget in our lifetime the faces of those people whom we have met in front Gamini Mahavidyalaya and their cries and plights; it would continue to reverberate in our minds. Those innocent people, unaware of who we were and the purpose of our presence there surrounded us and started to tell-tale the misery and sufferings they had encountered, as if we were going to do wonders. Mother who had come past the corpse of her own daughter, helpless husband while trying to carry his daughter out of muddy water, had seen his wife drowning ……….were some of the incidents narrated to us. When those people were puzzled as to what to say and how to say, even the Foreign Affairs Ministry officials started crying.

[future is bright...?]

Even though the letter from the Minister was produced at the gate, the army official on duty at the gate refused to permit us to go inside. Finally, when the responsible Ministry officer spoke to the higher command in the army, we were permitted to go inside.

We felt as if our heart was stripped apart when we saw the conditions of the refugees inside that camp. Sixteen babies born within one week were lying on the ground. A youth with both legs and an arm amputated; a boy with amputated arm; eight year old child with bullet inside his back. We were able to see all the cruelties that our mind is able to think of to its utmost capability, within that small arena.

A woman showed us a scar caused due to the attack by the LTTE when she tried to flee the area. The people over there spoke with us frankly and instinctively. “We don’t mind who rules us, send us back to our villages’ was their motto. When we enquired from about twenty five people whether any injection being administered on them, their reaction was as if they were hearing such thing for the first time. They told us that many people have died as a result of aerial bombing by kafir jets. They also told us about the conscription, forced labour and extortion by the LTTE.

After meeting the people at Vavunia Gamini Vidyalaya, we met the Government Agent Mrs. Charles. She appeared to be an able officer and gave straight answers to all our questions.

[...genocide..?]

Today the LTTE members in Europe and America are campaigning that in IDP camps women are being raped and contraceptive injections are administered. We do not have resources to counter that campaign. You can visit and speak with them and find out what is happening there. If there is genocide here then that means I am doing it. However, Mrs. Charles admitted that there are practical problems in the camps. She made an appeal that the Diaspora community should help these people by sending clothing and nutritional supplements for the children and women.

49,859 people have been registered up to 30.03.09 in 15 temporary camps in Vavunia. The number of people who flee the combat area is calculated on the basis of this registration. However, there is no account as to how many people really fled the combat area and entered the army controlled area. The LTTE claim that many people are reported missing in between. When we enquired about this from those in the camps they do not agree with that allegation.

Apart from these 15 temporary refugee camps, there are four additional permanent camps put up by the Government. There details are as follows;

1. Kadirgamar Village – It is in full occupation. 6,000 people are housed in this camp.
2. Arunachalam Village – It is constructed in 333acre land. 11,683 people are housed here.
3. Anandakumaraswamy Village – Under construction in 260 acres land. Not occupied yet.
4. Ramanathan Village – Under construction in 376 acre land. Not occupied yet.

Kadirgamar Village

This village was established by razing last extent of forest. The houses are fairly large. with thatched roof. All the facilities such as people’s bank, post office, training centers, temple and hospital are available within the village. Even though all these are available, certainly it cannot be compared to living in a village.

People from Vanni and Mullaitivu are not used to living in this type of constricted enclosed area. There are possibilities for socio psychological issues to crop up. Though all the facilities are available and meals are provided, those who are capable of working are idling. The schools have all the facilities. Students can study up to advanced level. Students Saroji and Tharsika told us that the facilities at the school in Kadirgamar village are much better than the school they studied. A nineteen year old student Thyakaran told us that they got displaced on the 23rd of November and was living in Kanakarajankulm, from where they came to Vavunia.

Overall we had the liberty to visit any IDP camp and meet anyone independently without being followed by anybody. At times, when people surround us we get mental fear, but it fades away and we felt like talking to people familiar to us.

In both the camps I visited there were about 8,000 people. Out of them twenty people talked to me for a long period of time. I talked with many others as a group. Not a single person spoke about Tamil Eelam or praised the LTTE. Few told us about the LTTE extortion and forced labour. I spoke with about twenty five children in the age group of seven to ten. With age related playfulness, they spoke beautifully in Tamil. They frequently told about the kefir jet. It is the unanimous view of everybody that they do not have any problem with the army and police personal stationed in the camp.

What is Next????

There is a blend of many officials in the IDP camps such as Sinhalese doctors, Sinhalese officers, Tamil officers, Sinhala army, Muslim officers etc. The existences of these types of camps are inevitable at this point of time. But, we do not know what is happening in the battle zone. But one thing is clear; there is no truth in the propaganda carried out by the LTTE supporters about the conditions in the IDP camps. It is the duty of the Tamil Diaspora to help those in these camps.

I wish to reiterate that in the present context, the existences of these camps are inevitable, but, without delay arrangements should be made to close these camps and to allow these people to settle in their places of origin. Failing which, it will lead to the emergence of ten Prabakarans and hundreds of suicide cadres.

T Constantine – London
22 April 2009

BBC Audio: Live from a Sri Lankan protest outside Parliament in London

Thu, 23 Apr 09: Today's programme is live from a Sri Lankan protest outside Parliament in London. Tamils are angry at the government offensive against Tamil Tiger Rebels.After decades of violence, could this finally be the bitter end of the civil war in Sri Lanka?

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[pic by Bruce Thomson]

[50 mts~From BBC World Service~Have Your Say-Thu, Apr 23]

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[Tamil demonstrator Parameswaran Subramaniyan, 28, enters the seventeenth day of his hunger strike outside Britain's Houses of Parliament in London, on April 23, 2009-pic: getty images]

Assuming the worst for both Tamil and Sinhala innocents

by Kusal Perera

Over 100,000 Tamil civilians have crossed over to be in the "safety" of the SL government, says official sources. The 20 sq km "no fire zone" was bifurcated the day before and another 12 sq km had been taken over by the military, according to latest reports. The SL war against the Tamil Tigers will be concluded within 48 hours from now (23 April night) according to government propaganda. The State media hypes the influx of civilians in to government controlled land as the "biggest ever humanitarian evacuation" as proudly announced by President Rajapaksa himself.

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[This well-organized protest was peaceful and orderly. Afterwards volunteers picked up trash and cleaned all traces. On the following day, few signs remained of the thousands who had assembled here. Pic by Mikey G Ottawa]

Within that hype, the 01% Nation Building Tax (NBT) that was imposed last year was increased to 03% without much notice among the public. The Opposition was only bothered it would further increase prices. Beneath all of that there is also city talk of the top few leaders of the LTTE having slipped out of the country, a few weeks ago. Some diplomatic types were eager to have the talks making rounds, confirmed either positively or negatively.

None could confirm, at least positively. Therefore, the only possible way was to logically eliminate the "impossibilities". When the LTTE decided to roll up their 06 year old mini State from Mannar in the West through Killinochchi to Mullaitivu in the East, they would have definitely worked out a fall back option, is a strong argument. Could it have been fleeing the country though ? Wouldn't the LTTE have thought they could slip into the Mullaitivu forests and occupy South Alampil and the Eastern Province once again as a guerilla out fit ? Yet the manner in which they gave up Killinochchi without a shot fired and the town completely deserted, it was more like they were abandoning the fight all together. Then the question is, why did they have the civilians move with them in such large numbers, if that was the case ?

First is that most of the civilians would have expected the LTTE to hold the government security stay put at some areas West and South-West of Kilinochchi and thus decided they could move to areas East of Kilinochchi up to Mullaitivu. There is no doubt, those Tamil people have very much less trust on the wholly Sinhala dominated military, they know of only as a very ruthless opposing military and nothing else. Its therefore obvious, their first choice what ever difficulties they would have to face, is to be in their own Wanni and out of government control.

When the LTTE started moving out of Kilinochchi too and retreating into Mullaitivu, they probably had no option but to follow the orders of the LTTE. As for the LTTE, it had two very sound reasons to have the civilians with them. One, the SL security forces were held at bay and delayed their forward push giving the LTTE time to rearrange their fall back options and two, the damages, co-lateral or not, gave them a humanitarian platform to campaign on, in the West and lobby international agencies.

The LTTE leadership nevertheless would have known such international campaigns would not guarantee security of their lives in Mullaitivu. Totally empty Wanni does not allow any possibility of survival even as an underground group. With sea lanes almost lost with Indian satellite intelligence strengthening the SL Navy patrolling, would cut their supply routes almost completely. That deprives the LTTE leadership of going under ground in the forests and in Eastern province. In EP they have a military supported para military group waiting to pounce on them and for the leadership it would be suicidal to enter East.

That line of argument leaves two options for the Tiger leaders. Fight to a definite decimation and then commit suicide. Or get the cadres to put up stiff resistance and gain an exit to slip out of the country. But go where ?

No part of India is safe soil. Not even the heated Tamil Nadu, unless the RAW for some reason wants the Tiger leaders to continue the fight at a low profile, for India to continue with its interests in the island nation through the conflict. For now, that does not seem the case. None of the Western countries would have them either, with the LTTE listed as a terrorist organization and with the international community as a bloc holding the Tiger leaders equally responsible as the SL government for the human tragedy in the Wanni. Most would suggest the retreat to be South Africa. That had been soft towards the LTTE and the large Indian origin population makes it conducive too. There is also Malaysia and Indonesia with far less spoken Fiji on the list, according to some who wish to guess.

Yet the question is, what could they do from a foreign location ? Yes, they wouldn't have much visibility for some time in SL. Not if this government makes a very nasty turn around to devolve power to the peripheries in an adequate manner to install some Tamil leaders. At least to be seen as more effective that Pilleyan. All chances and any sane guess would say 'no' not this government. Here is a government that's trying to marginalize even the Muslim leadership in Colombo. Even those in their own political party. A fate that had befallen the Fowzies at this Western Province elections. Colombo hereafter would be led by a Sinhala political leadership. Such a political leadership would not provide any space for devolution of power.

Political space and the call for rallying would be thus available. But there would be no supportive social links for armed activities for some time more to come. It would therefore remain a "Diasporic" movement. The strongest Diasporic movement that any oppressed minority in a country had ever stirred to aggressive life. In London it mobilized over a hundred thousand and continues to press the British government in to action. In Canada the Parliament Hill it was reported had over 30,000 demanding the Canadian government to intervene. Berlin had a huge rally they never see in modern Germany. The crowds were as large as those of Hilter's Brown Shirt rallies, according to some. This Diaspora now shows a difference to what was seen a few years ago. It is now more youthful, having drawn the second generation too into political activity. Its "M.I.A" generation now that shows up in rallies and are very agitated. They are also very much more educated and tech savvy than their parents. It’s a new educated generation of Tamils that have come together as the dynamo of the Tamil Diaspora.

They clearly mean that the LTTE and Prabhakaran had done their historical role in planting the Tamil cause on the world map. It's the turn of the next generation now to take the baton. But how would they wield it ? It’s a tough guess. So let's wait for the first signs to emerge.

But meanwhile let's remember, a very well educated generation on the offensive could be far more dangerous than a dumb and brute leadership. It may leave all, Sinhala and Tamil innocents on Sri Lankan soil as victims of circumstances.

April 22, 2009

The national sentiment of Sri Lankans

By Dananjaya Dissanayake

I personally feel that Transcurrents blog site provides us with a good platform to discuss current Srilankan situation and world political affairs in a constructive manner. The diversity of opinions shown mainly by English literate Srilankans and expatriates depict the depth and the width of the crisis in Srilanka.

Statistically it is very difficult to analyse the contribution by writers on their ethnicity or geographical location but I personally feel that it does not represent the stream of thinking of the majority of Srilankans, who do not have exposure to the cyberspace as well as English literature.

So if we try to extrapolate the myriads of opinions depicted in these blog spots as National sentiment we are not far from being wrong. The National sentiment of Srilanka is mainly governed by the Sinhala Buddhists but there is significant contribution from Sinhala Christians and a handful of Tamils and Muslims as well.

For most of average Srilankans an ethnic question does not exist. Why should there be an ethnic question in our Sinhala land, which has been governed by brave Sinhala kings like Dutugemunu, Maha Parakramabahu for so many years? We Sinhala Buddhists are entrusted to protect our motherland from any unnecessary intervention immaterial of whether it is within or without- that is exactly what Mahawansa advises us to do. They reckon that most of Chola and Pandya invasions were carried out to destabilise the Sinhale and any one from that dynasty does not have any legal right to dismantle Sinhala land into pieces. It is righteous to wipe out anyone, who does not recognise that holy right.

In that sense we Sinhala Buddhists are bound to fight against the separatist LTTE with all the mighty that we have as we did against British imperialists and all other invaders. This has been the National sentiment against the right of self determination of Tamils since the independence.

This is the back ground for the communal disharmony and violence since the independence. Those are the seeds of the evolution of Tamil struggle of self determination from Tamil Nationalism to the Tamil Terrorism against Sinhalese.

After three decades of separatist war and loss of thousands of lives and resources the same sentiment governs the country. Probably we must have deviated marginally during 2001-2003 period which paved the way for the CFA and 1994-1995 during the time of Peace Package. Otherwise we have not accommodated the right of self determination for Tamils at any period in the history unless they fought and won it.

According to the average Srilankans, the Tamil who asks for self-determination is a Terrorist who needs to be wiped out or rehabilitated. Most of our hands are up for a wipe out as we have been trying to do for last thirty years.

According to most of us Srilankans there is no communal tension as there are few hundred thousands of Tamils are still living among us in Colombo. Most of the incidents of communal violence happened were instigated by the ruling or opposite political parties but not by us average Srilankans.

It was SLFP in 1956, UNP in 1977 and JVP and the clan in 1983 etc.

The sentiment is same for the JVP uprising as well. It was a clan of misguided youth who rebelled in 1971 against the just SLFP regime. It was justifiable to wipe them out or float them along the rivers after being killed.

It was different in 1987-1990 as the rebels were justified against the Unjust JRJ’S regime. It was very wrong to burn them alive in tyre pyres. Even though Wijeweera’s plan was to topple the democratically elected government it was considered wrong to wipe them out. It was not considered wrong to nab the power from Unjust JRJ’s regime by a set of immature youngsters. For a fair bit of time most of us average Srilankans supported the movement.

We still believe that nabbing the power from a bad government by a minority of Sinhalese youth is far more justifiable than dividing the country and giving a reasonable portion to a minority of Tamils. Some great intellectuals identified this as the 3rd phase of Sinhala National freedom movement started in 1956! They must have interpreted the ongoing patriotic humanitarian operation as the 4th as well.

We average Srilankans believe that peace talks are useless and ceasefires are counterproductive. Since the time of Thimphu talks we tend to mock at each and every peace talk and “Thimphu talk” is in day to day slang now in use for non productive conversation. As history shows we have achieved only limited results through talks. It was military involvement that brought peace to the motherland not only against the LTTE but also against the JVP. So we heavily depend on the soldier.

"It is the soldier, not the reporter, who has given us the freedom of press”, “It is the soldier, not the reporter, who has paved the way for the peace"- Neither talking nor writing only the gun.

All the ceasefires were used by LTTE elements for regrouping and rearming. Not a single life saved, not a cent saved, not a single National resource saved during any of these cease fires. So most of us majority Srilankans are in the opinion that a ceasefire at this juncture does not help anybody other than Prabaharan, as it gives the opportunity to regroup and re breath.

We average Srilankans do not believe that there is a humanitarian catastrophe. It is considered primarily as LTTE propaganda for their own survival.

As the current war against LTTE is a humanitarian operation, it is not considered to be killing civilians. Our soldiers are so disciplined that they would not kill or rape a single innocent Tamil even in their wildest dreams. All our military hardware is such advanced and programmed that they would not target anyone other than ruthless Tigers.

NB: Total number of lives loss from 1977-2001(25 years) approximately counts up to 60-70000.

Total number of lives lost during JVP insurrection from 1987-1989( 3 years) approximately 60000.

Total number of lives lost from 2006-mid 2009 (3 ½ years) LTTE caders 18000+SL forces 12000+ civilians on both sides 4000= 34000 ( could it be more by any means?)

We average Srilankans do not believe that there is a hidden agenda behind the current war. There are no financial or political agendas and it is an extremely patriotic move. As soon as Prabaharan is dead the war will be over and the country is bound to be as prosperous as it used to be in ancient times. None of these neoliberal economic crises are wild enough to pull our legs. We are very lucky to have a genuine leader and his always patriotic brothers to safe guard the country and guide it through the troubled waters. Our military is so advanced and triumphant against global terrorism that they are bound to get more and more contracts in overseas to yield foreign currency to the motherland. We average Srilankans believe that most of our military leaders would be consulted by global antiterrorism experts (? in experts) like Americans for their survival, gaining a massive reputation to the country.

The demand for military recruitment is overwhelming and most of our youths do not want to be professionals in any other field other than our well disciplined professional armed forces. Joining of our beloved president’s son to armed forces is regarded as extreme act of patriotic devotion and it shows his authenticity towards the current humanitarian war as oppose to Prabakaran. Currently his family is living abroad happily and children are getting foreign education.

We Srilankans consider our education system is far more superior to the foreign education and it is exemplary of our current president to not to send his children abroad as opposed to what his predecessors or Prabakaran did. We do not believe any IQ issues persist.

We Srilankans believe that most of English speaking world is against us, including INGOs; English based local NGOs, English speaking intellectuals etc. As we were under British imperialists we do not like their mother tongue as well. That was the reason behind the Sinhala only sentiment hovering over us in post independent era. Until recent times most of our heads of the governments were from English speaking background excluding Ransinha Premadasa. The change of National sentiment against our English speaking allies depicts the end of the era which was governed by English educated lobby. Iran, Russia and China as non English speaking econo-political giants are our main allies for the next generation, needing interpreter service for our government heads. In this regard we have achieved exceptionally well and we are not far away from needing interpreters when our politicians travel in western world as well.

We Srilankans (esp. Sinhala Buddhists) believe that we are a special tribe for many reasons. Budda landed in this blessed land 2500 years ago not by a mistake. Ancient voyagers always landed in our Sinhalaland looking for their fortune. Tamils landed here by a mistake and needs to be deported from both upcountry and north east. British imperialists landed here and it is the reason for their economic prosperity. Americans were interested in Trinco harbour due to its advantageous position in naval war fare and maritime. India always wanted us to be their 29th state; de facto currently. Norway had hidden agendas as SLMM and was interested in Mannar oil basin.
We Srilankans do not believe in the myth that the fall of LTTE is multifactorial-it is the unique achievement of our beloved head of the state and the brothers. Probably a few military leaders included. We do not recognise post 09/11 scenarios, subsequent proscription of LTTE and its assets, dwindling of international interest in Tamil homeland, estrangement of new generation of Tamil Diaspora from the ethnic isuue,CFA in 2002 and breakaway of Karuna as anything to do with their current down fall.

We do not consider the current resurgence of Tamil Diasporas interest in their old homeland as serious and it is nothing to do with current humanitarian operation. Nobody can argue that we took the enemy within to international arena.

We Srilankans are very much polarised in our politics. We are divided into blue, red, purple or green. As a result the National flag is nicely divided as well. Read-www.en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Flag_of_Sri_Lanka.

Though we cohabitate as Srilankans, we do not tolerate other’s political views. When UNP waged the war against LTTE, we SLFP lovers did not support them. Now when UPFA is waging a winning war against LTTE most of UNP hardcore are not supporting them. Though we love the demise of LTTE, both UNP supporters and UPFA supporters do not like the other winning the game: either by war or peace. JVP, LSSP, JHU etc are so much polarised in this regard that there is no place for compromise.

A reasonable common ground exists against the right of self determination for Tamils as well as LTTE in general.
Tamils are equally polarised: for LTTE verses against LTTE. When it comes to the right of self determination they work on a common flat form.

We Srilankans do believe in spiritual than economic development. We know absolute truth as Buddhists and complacent at economic gains. The Karma is overwhelming and most of non Buddhists also believe in our economic Karma. Post independent economic achievements depict this sentiment. Sometimes we used forward gear and sometimes the reverse and currently the neutral needing us to get down and push it hard. It is not easy to feed 100 odd ministers, their kith and kin, body guards and 200000 odd soldiers.

As I am finalising this article, it is unreasonable to not to write about the “Great traitors”. We Srilankans have a soft edge for traitors. Starting from Ehalepola who joined English imperialist against King Rajasingha, we have seen many great traitors who betrayed their leaders and the clan for politico military gains. SWRDB in ‘50s, Ronnie de Mel , Rjitha and clan in 2001, Karu and the clan in 2004 and last not the least Karuna in 2005 betrayed their leaders and joined the enemies in stark day light. We Srilankans still adore these people and were rewarded as well. I would like to mention once a minister Alahapperuma, who did not join the enemy and packed up and went home when he had issues with his leader-strange in our political culture!

Ps: No part of this article may be commented in written or verbal means: we Srilankans believe neither talking nor writing, but only the gun and you are at the risk of gunning down in the high security zone in Colombo as we did it to Lasantha and Richard de Zoysa!

Is a post Eelam Sri Lanka inevitable?

by Ilaya Seran Senguttuvan.

More than one Lankan academic of note dared envision in recent years the more than distinct possibility of a Sri Lanka after the coming of the much contested Eelam – in the North Eastern part of the island where Tamil-speaking people live today under conditions described as "horrible and sub-human" inviting unanimous condemnation of the world community. Tamils have been living in these areas as the majority community for thousands of years - a reality supported by history and archeology.

In the nature of the sharp dispute between the Sinhalese and Tamils that gathered momentum in recent times, even this is disputed for reasons that can only be described as mischievous. While the State of Eelam is yet to emerge formally chances are sooner than later this is inevitable - largely due to the obstinacy and suspect political manouverings of Sinhala politicians. Indiscriminate attacks from the air and sea where thousands of civilians have perished and vital infra-structure including schools, hospitals, places of worship were targeted have hardened the Tamil resolve to secede. The callous rapes of young women, killing of youth suspected to be militants and other genocidal acts continue in gay abandon to the point Tamils want to be left alone. The call for restraint by the international community in the matter was ignored by the armed forces – often believed to be out of the control of the political hierarchy. Gross sub-human treatment of Tamils in the conflict zone subjecting them to de-housing, starvation, shortage of essential medicine, destruction of their sources of livelihood have all contributed to this cumulative demand to go separate ways. Tamils see through a conspiracy to reduce their influence in numbers in the North is now clearly evident where the Eastern political leadership is made a mockery with the Chief Minister claiming "he does not even have the power to appoint a peon". This after loud assurances from the highest levels he will be given almost everything to build the District. The much-heralded transformation of Batticoloa for her people to enjoy the fruits of democracy is clearly a sham – which the Tamil people have not failed to take notice of.


The situation has reached the stage of no-return since Sinhala political rulers at different times and in various ways worked up the Sinhala mind homing on them this was, is and will be the Land of the Sinhalese majority. They rubbed it in by adding "minorities can live only on our magnanimity and pleasure. That too only if they behave" - a refrain eloquently expressed loud and clear by the Army's I-give-a-dam-to-anyone Sarath Fonseka joined by the Defernce Secretary Gothabhaya Rajapakse " to boot the President" brother.

Different political groupings among the majority and the head of the now politically and numerically powerful army have made clear what is in store for Tamils and the minorities in the future. There is no reason to believe this has not registered in the minds of the targeted audience.. The outside world has found it somewhat puzzling why the virtual Sinhala-only armed forces - now around 300,000; ultra-modern and equipped with sophisticated gear; required such a vast number to battle a rag-tag, shoeless army of LTTE cadres numbering less than 2,000 (Government figures) generally equipped with small firearms. It is curious why even today within the claimed single square mile a militant strength of less than 2,000 has not been hounded out - after weeks of assurances to the people. The bulk of the meager resources of the country that could have gone into useful development projects is deliberately squandered in the purchase of expensive equipment for the (note, not by the) forces – many of which & nbssp; reported to be at highly inflated prices. Much of it predictably siphoned off overseas. That this insensitive claim of Sinhala hegemony was not effectively contested by competing Sinhala political forces in the South is an indication of its unanimous acceptability among the wider Sinhala population.

However, more for cosmetic reasons than objective, the UNP – the Sinhala right-wing party that has been in power several times - lets off a grunt or two in feeble but lackluster opposition to this preposterous claim in what is referred to in the Constitution as a multi-racial, multi-ethnic secular society centered on equality before the law. The Army chief or the Defence Secretary and their fellow-thinkers do not necessarily concur with what the 1978 Constitution lays down. It is now a Buddhist theocratic society run by a Buddhist clergy-lead political grouping that holds more effective power and influence than what the country's ineffective Parliament does. At any rate, the average attendance in Parliament is no more than 15% we are told, with Ministers hardly in their seats to answer questions from the Opposition of which due notice is given several days earlier. That is the plight of governance in Sri Lanka today and for some years now.

The demand of the Tamil people for their rights for language, State employment and for safeguards in higher education for their children that gathered momentum in 1956 were greeted with contempt bordering on mockery. Their sad lot was decades of disappointment and step-motherly treatment. State players and resources, meanwhile, were utilized to weaken the Tamils and their traditional homeland in the North-East Province. Open and surreptitious State-aided colonization in Tamil majority areas in the Eastern Province continued unabated despite strong opposition from the Tamils. Whereas there was already significant land hunger on the part of the Tamil and - to a lesser extent, the Muslim people of the area; Sinhala colonists, mainly from the deep South, many of them hard-core criminals, were settled here with the State lavishly using resources meant for the use of all communities. This calculated move was engineered from the time of the late D.S. Senanayake in the 1950s to rapidly alter the demographic pattern of the district against the Tamils in the area. The population statistics of the area from the 1950s todate will reveal the real story.

There is room to believe governing sources in the Sinhala south coming from the two major political parties found convergence in this policy as they incorrectly figured, and indeed advised their followers, unless Tamils are rendered unto minority status in the Eastern Province, local Tamils will link with adjoining Tamilnadu in South India and eventually swamp the Sinhalese. This is a falsehood upon which platform many pro-Sinhala nationalist parties have come to power. Though this fear is unthinkable in the modern world, the vast mass of Sinhalese believed or "wanted to be believe" such a theory. It is possible much of the hatred and prejudice against Tamils is based on this delusionary fear.

However, in the final analysis, the coming into two of a hitherto singular political unit (from British times) along language lines – that was right along avoidable - does not necessarily mean the end of the world for both sides.

The writer argues both States can still function within a modified Sri Lanka with necessary political and structural arrangements to follow. There is absolutely no need for a blood-bath reminiscent of that.ignominy that took millions of lives when the Indian sub-continent split into two during 1947/48. Looking at history in sober terms what is being discussed is, in fact, the restoration of the Status Quo that was altered with the coming of the Portugese early in the 17th century - the first colonial power to set foot in the island. The separate Tamil, Kandyan kingdoms and Low Country political reality were unified by the British for reasons of "administrative convenience" when they held sway in the Island.

Tamils in the North-East and Sinhalese in the South were the pre-dominant races until that time which also had a minority of Muslims. Later Tamils of recent origin, who arrived early in the 19th century brought in as workers in the Plantations. They are settled mainly in the Central Hills of the Sinhala South. A rupture of this nature is not new to the region considering Singapore engineered a bloodless divorce from Malaya in 1965. The separation did not see the shedding of blood on a wide scale, loss of assets or properties of the Malays in Singapore or Chinese in Malaysia. In retrospective, it would appear both Singapore and Malaya would have mutually destroyed each other's capacities and future if they allowed their own rocky marriage to continue with the bitter relationship they endured. Today thanks to the resolve, industry and commitment of both Malaysians and Singaporeans both countries have reached NIC level with Singapore in the first world league. The powerful and liquid Tamil diaspora believes though they do not have the right and capacity to get GoSL and her hardline Sinhala leadership to change course at this late hour, they may be in a position to help their Tamil brethren to begin their shattered lives afresh. They have pledged to invest billions of dollars in the new entity purely to enable it to get on its feet. Even amounts of US$10,000 to 50,000 per person per year in the half of a diaspora close to 800,000 this appears sufficient to build a viable new State.

Then there is the possibility of at least 4 successful Tamil billionaires in Malaysia, USA and the UK who have the influences to build valuable infra-structure in the nascent State. Understandably, there will be some hiccups in the initial stages of the estrangement but this will work out gradually. Now that the Buddhist-priest led Sinhala State made the relationship unworkable one hopes the Sinhala side will gain the resolve and the muscle of its own indigenous and diaspora strength to rebuild her own shattered economy. There is no reason at all they cannot. Singapore gets its life-giving water from Malaysia and both countries did not interfere with the free movement of either people to and fro. Both operate on the basis of mutual survival – a philosophy ideal for Sri Lanka and the new State. In the nature of the lawless situation where much of the law and order machinery has been hijacked by criminal and lawless elements here – many of them under State protection - the rupture might not be as smooth as in the Malacca Straits. This is where the international community should step in and ensure a smooth transition.

The convergence of views of Tamilnadu's feuding Karunanidhi and Jayalalitha where both have now openly declared their support for Tamil Eelam coincides with the publication of these views. India and the international community will very likely go along with this option that can put a stop to the long blood-letting and enable GoSL to start afresh - now that they were unwilling or unable to prevent the haemorrage for over 50 years.

Foundation for Modern Terrorism from the annals of the world history

by Point of View by Victor Ragunathan

"The Black War of Van Diemen's Land" was the name of the official campaign of terror directed against the Black people of Tasmania between 1803 and 1830. The Black aborigines of Tasmania were reduced from an estimated five-thousand people to less than seventy-five. With the declaration of martial law in November 1828, Whites were authorized to kill Blacks on sight. Although the Blacks offered a heroic resistance, the wooden clubs and sharpened sticks of the Aborigines were no match against the firepower, ruthlessness, and savagery exercised by the Europeans against them.

After the Black War, for political expediency, the status of the Blacks, who were no longer regarded as a physical threat, was reduced to that of a nuisance and a bother, and with loud and pious exclamations that it was for the benefit of the Blacks themselves, the remainder of the Aborigines were rounded up and placed in concentration camps.

In 1830 George Augustus Robinson, a Christian missionary, was hired to round up the remaining Tasmanian Blacks and take them to Flinders Island, thirty miles away. Many of Robinson's captives died along the way. By 1843 only fifty survived.

On Flinders Island Robinson was determined to “civilize and Christianize” the survivors. His settlement--at a windy site with little fresh water--was run like a jail. Children were separated from parents to facilitate the “work of civilizing” them. The regimental daily schedule included Bible reading, hymn singing, and inspection of beds and dishes for cleanness and neatness. However, the jail diet caused malnutrition, which combined with illness to make the natives die. Few infants survived more than a few weeks. The government reduced expenditures in the hope that the native would die out. By 1869 only Truganini, one other woman, and one man remained alive."
The tragedy of the Black aborigines of Tasmania, however painful its recounting may be, is a story that must be told. What lessons do we learn from the destruction of the Tasmanians? Truganini's life and death, although extreme, effectively chronicle the association not only between White people and Black people in Tasmania, but, to a significant degree, around the world. Between 1803 and 1876 the Black aborigines of Tasmania were completely destroyed. During this period the Black people of Tasmania were debased, degraded and eventually exterminated. Indeed, given the long and well-documented history of carnage, cruelty, savagery, and the monstrous pain, suffering, and inhumanity Europeans have inflicted upon Black people in general, and the Black people of Tasmania in particular, one could argue that they themselves, the White settlers of Tasmania, far more than the ravenous beast portrayed in American cartoons, have been the real Tasmanian devil.” From “- BLACK WAR
THE DESTRUCTION OF THE TASMANIAN ABORIGINES” By RUNOKO RASHIDI 1998

There are many annals in the world history books has similar stories. There are many more race on the planet earth have been subjugated to total annihilation. The above story reminds me what is going on in my homeland. My people are going through the same at the present time in the hands of the Sinhala Buddhist rulers of the beautiful Island nation. In the name of fight on Terror and eradicating Terrorism (hence the Tamil race), they were terrorized by the host of nations who are sponsoring the GENOCIDE.

Writings on the wall


I have been writing to the web publications and I am very upright and outspoken. This has put me in hot waters many times both in my personal life and professional life. I only write when I feel that I have to express my feelings to the outside world or to the others that either someone or something is very wrong.

I have requested the International Community to act for Peaceful solution many ways I can. What we need at this time is not beating our chest who won or who lost like a third grader, rather how could the Tamils and the peace loving Sinhalese can live without killing each others for the next many centuries to come.

I am not a war monger or an LTTE member. In fact I have been tortured and beaten by both parties in the eighties and early nineties. I see things in Physician stand point such as what causes the disease than to treat the symptoms. I look for the cause, contributing factors and I tell the patients that not all the diseases can be cured with the medications. I see my own homeland turmoil as a disease, I see that the root cause has never been addressed and all the so called DOCTORS are trying to eliminate the symptoms than addressing the disease. The disease is slowly killing both the nations. It is slowly bleeding and the effects will only be felt in the near future. Some of the spin Doctors who only talk about some virulent symptoms try to cure with unconventional methods.

I am not a poet but I wrote the following titled “Only if the tables have turned” three years ago .

We only asked decision making equal opportunity
We only asked a federal system
We only asked to be respected and
We only talked about our rights

We didn’t ask a separate state
We didn’t ask any preferential treatment
We didn’t talk about our homeland and
We didn’t start the fight

You asked why minority want equal rights
You asked why minority want federal system
You said minority is asking preferential treatment and
You picked the fight by killing innocent Tamils

You wouldn’t be asking this if Srilanka has Tamil Majority
You wouldn’t be asking this if the (majority Tamil) government has massacred (minority Sinhala) youths for attending Sinhala language research conference.
You wouldn’t be asking this if the government burned your schools, library and Buddhist temples
You wouldn’t be asking this if you were sacked from the job or demoted for not learning the Tamil.

Instead,

You would ask equal right with majority Tamil.
You would ask for a federal solution.
You would ask a separate Sinhala state and
you would fight with the Tamil Government, Only if the tables have turned

I received the response from a Sinhala Chauvinist saying “Are the Tamils fit to rule the Tamils” blaming all the misdeeds to the LTTE and its activity and the cast system of the Eelam Tamils.

From that point I knew that Sinhala Majority Government has nothing to offer to the Tamils and they will find every excuse to subjugate the whole Tamil Nation.

Systematic elimination

In return I have listed some of the historic events in the history of the Island nation starting from the 20th century. I have listed the historic mindset of the Sinhala Buddhist chauvinism and its real face dating back many decades when there is no Tamil militancy. It was systematic effort by the successive Sinhala Buddhist government made the two communities looking to part each others. It was a systematic violence, pogroms and ethnic cleansing that lead to the current climax of genocide.

In my conclusion I have asked “I have been a victim of both state terrorism and separatist terror activities and I survived. However, if LTTE is not strong enough to create a bulwark, there would have been many island wide pogroms after 1983. There is no justification for violence of any kind but history tells me that state sponsored massacres created the vicious cycle of massacres as you may check the dates. There is no question that LTTE is committing, committed and will commit grave violation of human rights. Does it mean the state has every right to create more homelessness in the name of war for peace?

What have you, your WAPS, or the Government of Srilanka tabled so far to justify that they are talking peace? At the least, LTTE has tabled an Interim Self Governing Authority? How can anyone claim that this is a stepping stone for separation without even discussing or the least countering with a proposal acceptable to the majority Tamil speaking people? Is it an excuse not to find any meaningful solution in the name of LTTE terrorism or simply wolf is crying for the sheep is in the rain? What have you done to the Tamil speaking people in the Island to isolate them from LTTE if you are so worried about their terror tactics of the LTTE and the Sun God?

Again in the mid 2006, when violence was unleashed by both sides, I have written an article rightfully titled “Violence bigot violence, the unheard cries”. I have pointed out that “ Had the international community listened to the cries of the innocent civilians, and taken concrete measures to arrest the violence in the beginning, there would have many lives of innocent civilians including children were saved. Instead, they elected to side with the government who is committing the shadow war on Tamils and LTTE. Inevitably, the civilians on both sides continue to be the pawns of the game. Yet another vicious cycle has been started.”

As an academic, when the Human Rights Watch released a statement about the “Funding the final war”, I rightfully pointed out that “War is a Complex, Multi-Symptom Disease” and unless there are concrete measures taken to cure the disease, like the one in Sierra Leone by the UK with promising effort, treating or suppressing the symptoms will never help solve the problem. It is high time that all concerned parties focus on solving the disease rather than aiding, abetting and arming more and more people and groups. It is high time that the Western governments look into the fundamental problems of the Tamil Diaspora as an oppressed, Trans-National people, rather than simply yet another immigrant population. The only way to eliminate the violence against humanity is to eliminate the fundamental problem.

There are many good hearted and visionary people who have expressed sentiments and suggested to their prospective governments about this Genocidal Government as early as in the eighties. It seems no one listen to them as my writings are like spit on the ocean.

In 1984 Noach Dear a New York City Councilman expressed that the United States cannot simply write off murder and systematic discrimination as an ‘internal matter’ when the country happens to be non aligned and is willing to say nice things about our country. We should be putting pressure on President Jayewardene to move to resolve the terrible, terrible divisions within his country. We must let the Sri Lanka government know that we will not tolerate a government that is in any way complicit in the killing of its own citizens.

Instead of taking actions, those governments stood by and aided the very Genocidal Governments. Even today it is not too late than creating another Rwanda in the South Asia. If those governments, who are aiding and abetting this very genocidal war, ignore these warnings, they will one day see the birth of modern Terrorism from South Asia rather than from Mideast.

Building foundation for Terrorism

I am always amazed to see and read about the news on Terrorism and the Bush’s doctrine “war on terror “. However and how hard the effects of Terrorism can be, one thing that has not changed is the foundations of making terrorist. It is rightfully said that one man’s fight for the right to live could be other man’s terrorism.

Who are those terrorist, where did they come from. Are they alien to the world born out of the solar system became allergic to the human race and humanity. Did anyone studied and analyzed the birth of any of those special people?. Even those who studied and analyzed the Terrorism and terrorist are merely for the academic reason than to change the world and to understand the basic facts.

These people are from the very same community we were born and they were in the same class, same town and possibly went to the same church or temple. Their parents are the same next door neighbor. They didn’t study or elected to become Terrorist or carry out terror activity. They didn’t choose that path instead they were forced by some circumstances that they felt could have changed. They were forced out of their homes, their kith and kin were slaughtered, raped or disappeared into some mass graves. They have seen their parents, siblings, friends and family lose their lives and limbs. They were or their family and friends were tortured, mutilated and locked up and possibly massacred.

Hamas did not exist 20 year ago. Birth of Hamas happened among the people of Palestine who were living under the extreme hardship with no hope.

Taliban did not exist before the super powers of the cold war made Afghan a playground for their power testing.

LTTE did not exist before 1976 and became stronger with people who were subjugated by the very Srilankan government. They wouldn’t have existed without the people’s support.

As far we all know that LTTE is a lethal force than any groups in the world. They are more technologically advanced than any known group in the world. Yet they have not sold the technology to any known groups like the Pakistan Atomic Scientist Dr, Khan who sold the nuclear Technology to Iran and North Korea.

It is a high time that world powers look into solve the Tamil National question and to contain all the information being sold to the other groups.

It is my fear that if the Tamil National question is not answered in time, there will be wealth of lethal information can spill into the rest of the South and south East Asia.

As I see the news all over the world, the Tamils are more united than ever before and they are more in need of their own land, government and more than anything else PEACE. Millions of Tamils from the Island Nation need a land call Homeland free of any internal or external subjugation.

When Millions of Jews needed a HOMELAND, the state of Israel was created.

When the ethnic Albanians needed a home the Kosovo was created. So does the East Timor, Eretria, Bosnia and Bangladesh.

Why the Tamils of the Eelam are any different from the others. The need of the hour is a UN Intervention and a demilitarized Homeland be it a Federal Government or a Separate Nation State call EELAM.

This Time We Can't Say "We Didn't Know": The Deadly Cost of International Inaction in Sri Lanka

There is a saying that has become common amongst those in the United Nations Human Rights Council. When a tense stand-off arises someone will say "Lets not play the naming and shaming game -- lets try and work together." Perhaps this "game" played in the most elite policy circles is counter-productive -- but it does allow history to identify those in positions of power who were complacent, cowardly, and indecisive at a moment when hundreds of thousands of civilian lives were on the line. In the case of Sri Lanka, there is no shortage of those to blame, and the footage from the civilian carnage in recent weeks should put all of us to shame.

TCO0422.jpg

[Potest in Ottawa-Apr 21-more pics-by CTV]

The Government of Sri Lanka, representing the majority Sinhalese community in Sri Lanka, is calling its most recent operation a "Hostage Rescue Mission" -- claiming to have evacuated 30,000 civilians from the minority Tamil population from an active fighting zone. They say they are nearing the end of their hard-line military campaign to eradicate the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, a guerilla group who has been fighting to carve out a seperate Tamil state within Sri Lanka for nearly three decades. As they recaptured formerly LTTE-held districts in the North East of the island, Government forces have trampled on international humanitarian law, any semblance of free press, and committed human rights abuses on a scale that can be categorized as crimes against humanity.

As we receive daily reports of civilian casualties, the international community continues to listen to briefings, debate, and make "strong" statements of condemnation which will not jeapordize the delicate geopolitical balance that the Sri Lankan Government is relying on. Developing world nations have rallied around Sri Lanka's cry of neo-colonialism against western nations who highlight human rights abuses. Some simply vote alongside Sri Lanka, while nations like Libya, Pakistan, and Iran, have given hundreds of millions in aid along with substantial military training and technical support. While the U.S.A has limited its support to only "non-lethal" weapons (since the Leahy amendment) and India provides mainly intelligence support (radars, patrol boats) -- both are warily monitoring the growing influence and involvement of China and Russia on the island.

It seems that economic woes in the Western world have not only affected consumer confidence, but has sparked a crisis of confidence amongst policymakers who now hesitate to challenge countries like China. Some prefer to hide behind the safety of the War on Terror, promising to take on a more active role in Sri Lanka once the "end of terrorism" has been
achieved. This week there will be a Tom Lanton Human Rights Commission hearing on Capitol Hill, where members of Congress will hear from Human Rights Watch, The Committee to Protect Journalists, and the Sri Lanka NGO Counsel. They will again detail gross human rights violations, the conditions in internment camps, and the concern for the lives of journalists and human rights workers.

When approximately 1,000 civilians die in one day of shelling, are Special Representatives appointed and condemning statements made our only option? Is every international institution and powerful nation so restricted by geo-political and financial realities that any sort of meaningful action becomes impossible-and worse, something we can no longer expect of them? In the last few days 68,000 civilians have entered intointernment camps where they join nearly 200,00 others recently from the conflict zone; 57,000 are being "processed" with no outside monitoring; 600 injured are waiting for ICRC transport to the only remaining hospital in the area which was recently hit by a rocket-propelled grenade; and 50-100,000 remain trapped inside and active warzone. Since January of 2009, the International Community and the safeguards designed from lessons learned elsewhere have failed 5,000 civilians in Sri Lanka. The loss of the next 5,000 may come quicker than the first -- and history will claim Sri Lanka as yet another case of lessons learned by a failure to act. [courtesy: huffingtonpost]

LTTE is dying but long live the Tamil cause

By B. Raman

The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) is in its death rattle. It was decisively defeated by the Sri Lankan Armed Forces weeks ago, but a handful of its leadership headed by Prabhakaran has cynically and cruelly prolonged the agony of the Tamil civilians by using them as a buffer and human-shield in order to delay the re-establishment of the writ of the Sri Lankan Government in a miniscule piece of territory (about 20 sq.kms), which has been declared by the Government as a no-fire zone to avoid collateral casualties among the civilians still under the control of the LTTE and to enable them to escape from the clutches of the LTTE.

2. Prabhakaran is a leader with a split personality. During the 26 years he has dominated the Tamil landscape in Sri Lanka, he had shown a remarkable organizing capacity and an ability to motivate his followers to perform virtual miracles. His motivating his cadres to acquire a capability for action by air and sea would go down in the history of insurgency and terrorism as indicating an organizing capability of a high order. The LTTE under his leadership managed to bring almost the entire Tamil-inhabited territory in the Northern and Eastern Provinces under its control. The determined manner in which the LTTE fought against the Indian-Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) in the late 1980s and frustrated its efforts to defeat it spoke highly of its capabilities for a conventional warfare.

3.If Prabhakaran had the activities of the LTTE confined to conventional warfare and developed the LTTE as a purely insurgent force, which targeted only the armed forces and not innocent civilians, he would have acquired greater support from the international community for the Tamil cause. The rational side of his personality as illustrated by his organizing capabilities had to constantly contend with a highly irrational side, which drove him to simultaneously take to terrorism of a shockingly brutal kind.

4. The targeted killings by the LTTE of many Sri Lankan Tamil leaders, who were perceived by Prabhakaran as possible impediments to his rise as the unquestioned leader of the Tamil community, and its brutal assassination of Rajiv Gandhi in May 1991 were the outcome of the irrational side of his personality. No other Indian leader had done more to help the Sri Lankan Tamil cause than Indira Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi. Only a sickly and sickening irrational mind could have ordered the assassination of Rajiv Gandhi and Laxman Kadirgamar, a highly-respected Tamil leader, who was a senior adviser on foreign policy to former President Chandrika Kumaratunge. The assassination of Rajiv Gandhi on Prabhakaran’s orders shocked Indian public opinion----including public opinion in Tamil Nadu--- and weakened Indian support for the Tamil cause. The assassination of Kadirgamar shocked the Western public opinion and led to the declaration of the LTTE as a terrorist organization by the Western world, thereby denying the last vestiges of Western support for the Tamil cause.

5.As the LTTE faced one defeat after another during the last three years from the Sri Lankan Armed Forces---initially in the Eastern Province and finally in the Northern Province---- the irrational side of Prabhakaran’s personality erased his rational side. His shocking use of the Tamil civilians in order to delay the final end of the counter-insurgency and counter-terrorism campaign undertaken by the Sri Lankan Armed Forces is driven by this irrational streak in him, which now dominates his personality.

6. The prolonged agony of the Sri Lankan Tamils caused by the final bout of Prabhakaran’s irrationality and loss of lucidity in thinking has to be ended. The Sri Lankan Armed Forces, which have shown patience till now and deliberately slowed down their operations, cannot be faulted if they have come to the conclusion that the time has come to liberate the no-fire zone too from the clutches of the LTTE by undertaking limited operations with small arms and ammunition even at the risk of some collateral casualties to the civilians.

7. The desperate attempt of Prabhakaran to use the civilians to protect himself from the advancing Sri Lankan Army can be attributed to the total loss of lucidity in his thinking and his consequent inability to face the bitter truth that he and his organization have been defeated decisively by the Sri Lankan Armed Forces and that there is no chance of their staging a come-back. The Requiem for the LTTE could be written without fears of going wrong, should the LTTE stage a come-back as it had done on occasions in the past. It has been defeated beyond recovery. His conventional as well as terrorist capabilities are in shatters. Earlier conventional wisdom that small groups of the LTTE might still be able to keep indulging in sporadic acts of terrorism in different parts of Sri Lanks needs re-consideration. His desperate delaying action at the cost of immense suffering to the Tamils, whose cause he claims to espouse, is meant to give him an opportunity to seek safe sanctuary either in Tamil Nadu or elsewhere from where he could try to re-start his fight against the Sri Lankan Armed Forces. It is in the common interest of India and Sri Lanka that Prabhakaran is finally able to make peace with his Maker by either being killed by the Armed Forces or by taking his own life. A defeated Prabhakaran, if left alive in India or elsewhere, would not be a threat, but could be a nuisance for both the countries.

8. After the final death of the LTTE, which is expected any day, what is the future of the Sri Lankan Tamil cause? Would a Requiem for the LTTE also mean a Requiem for the Sri Lankan Tamil cause? Hopefully not. It is in India’s interest that the LTTE as a terrorist organization is destroyed once and for all, but it is not in India’s interest that the Sri Lankan Government and Armed Forces proceed from the destruction of the LTTE to the destruction of the Tamil aspirations for greater political and economic rights in their traditional homeland and for greater human dignity.

9. Let us not forget that ever since our independence in 1947, the Bengalis of the then East Pakistan, the Balochs and Sindhis of Pakistan and the Tamils of Sri Lanka have been India’s natural allies. It was this reality which persuaded Indira Gandhi to assist the Bengalis of the then East Pakistan to achieve their independence. Even though successive Governments in New Delhi refrained from supporting the causes of the Sindhis and the Balochs, Indian public opinion sympathized and continues to sympathise with their cause. It was sympathy for the Sri Lankan Tamil cause at New Delhi when Indira Gandhi was the Prime Minister and in Tamil Nadu, which induced India to take up their cause in the 1980s.

10.There is no reason why India should not pride itself and seek to be the paramount power of the region. To emerge and remain as the paramount power, we need natural allies in the region around us. We should not let the legitimate aspirations of our natural allies---whether they be the Sindhis and Balochs of Pakistan or the Sri Lankan Tamils--- be crushed by a brutal regime--- whether in Islamabad or in Colombo.

11. Since 1947, the Balochs rose twice in revolt in favour of independence for their homeland. On both occasions, they were defeated by the Pakistani Armed Forces as decisively as the LTTE by the Sri Lankan Armed Forces. The Pakistani leadership brutally used the Air Force against the Balochs to crush their freedom struggle. Undaunted by this, the Baloch people, under a new leadership, rose in revolt for a third time two years ago and their third war of independence is still going on.

12. The remarkable victory of the Sri Lankan Armed Forces against the LTTE was partly due to their improved counter-insurgency and counter-terrorism capabilities made possible by Indian assistance in the form of training and sharing of intelligence and partly due to their emulating the Pakistani Armed forces in the brutal use of the Air Force against people whom they portray as their own. Just as the Balochs were defenceless against the brutal Pakistani air strikes, the Sri Lankan Tamils were defenceless against the Sri Lankan air strikes.

13. The US has used air strikes in Iraq and Afghanistan----but in foreign territory and against foreign nationals. Only three countries in the world have used air strikes in their own territory against their own people---- the Pakistanis against the Balochs, the Russians against the Chechens and the Sri Lankans against the Tamils.

14. President Mahinda Rajapakse has repeatedly promised that once the LTTE is defeated, he would be generous in meeting the political aspirations of the Tamils. He gives the impression of being a sincere man, but will the Sinhalese Army with its head bloated by its success against the LTTE allow him to do so? The indicators till now are not encouraging. Many Sri Lankan officers might have been trained in India, but their mindset and their attitude towards the minorities have more in common with those of their Pakistani counterparts than with those of their Indian counterparts. Therein lies the danger that after winning the war against the LTTE, the Government, strongly influenced by a victorious army, might trey to impose a dictated peace on the Tamils.

15. If the angry Tamils once again look up to India, there is no reason why we should not reciprocate provided a new leadership emerges in the Tamil community and it has drawn the right lessons from the brutalities of the LTTE.

16. The LTTE is deservedly dying, but long live the Tamil cause. (22-4-2009)

( The writer is Additional Secretary (retd), Cabinet Secretariat, Govt. of India, New Delhi, and, presently, Director, Institute For Topical Studies, Chennai. E-Mail: seventyone2@gmail.com )

Civilian casualties rising in Sri Lanka conflict

Statement by Amnesty International

More than 4,500 civilians are believed to have died in the fighting according to UN estimates in north eastern region in Sri Lanka. There were hundreds of civilian casualties reported on Monday alone. Immediate action must be taken by all parties concerned to prevent further mass killings of civilian/non-combatants.

An estimated 100,000 civilians remain trapped in the conflict zone between the Tamil Tigers and the Sri Lankan army in the north of the country. On Monday, the Sri Lankan government gave the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) 24 hours to lay down their arms or face further attack in a "final offensive" raising concerns that civilian casualties could spiral.

"The security of civilians trapped between Sri Lankan forces and the Tamil Tigers is paramount," said Yolanda Foster, Amnesty International's Sri Lanka expert. "The plight of these civilians demands that the Sri Lankan government and the LTTE take all necessary measures immediately to prevent unlawful killing of civilians and that they fully comply with their obligations under international humanitarian law.

"The LTTE and the Sri Lankan government must cease hostilities with immediate effect and agree to extend a humanitarian pause for a reasonable duration, in order to permit civilians to leave as well as the reopening of access routes for food, water and medical supplies. "

Both parties have an obligation to comply with international humanitarian law in all circumstances. However, the government appears to have resorted to the use of heavy weapons such as artillery, which is intended for use on conventional battlefields and are not capable of pinpoint targeting. The use of artillery in densely populated areas is likely to lead to indiscriminate attacks.

"The Tamil Tigers must cease forced recruitment, the use of civilians as human shields and deliberate attacks on civilians who have tried to escape from areas under their control," said Yolanda Foster. "They must immediately allow those civilians who wish to leave to do so."

According to reports, over 35,000 civilians have been able to exit the combat zone in the last few days. In the last week, Amnesty International has received reports of a number of enforced disappearances of young Tamil men separated from their families during the screening process.

"The Sri Lankan authorities should allow international monitors to visit ‘reception centres,’ to help reassure both fleeing civilians and surrendered LTTE fighters that they will be treated according to international standards," said Yolanda Foster.

Amnesty International has urged the United Nations Security Council to discuss the crisis without any further delay.

"The Council must express concern at the escalation of violence and the deteriorating humanitarian and human rights situation, in particular the resulting heavy civilian casualties of recent days," said Yolanda Foster.

"The Council must call for a humanitarian truce, urge that the government and the LTTE immediately take all necessary steps to fully comply with their obligations under international humanitarian and human rights law, and stress that the perpetrators of grave violations of human rights and international humanitarian law must be held individually responsible and prosecuted for such violations.

"The situation is extremely bleak and calls for immediate action. Both parties must fully observe their obligations under international humanitarian law to limit civilian casualties and ensure that critical humanitarian assistance reaches families in desperate need,” said Yolanda Foster.

Sri Lanka fighting threatens to produce exactly the kind of cataclysm that states vowed to prevent when they adopted R2P

"War on Terror" Discourse silences "Responsibility to Protect" Obligation

By James Traub

At this moment, at least 60,000 civilians trapped in a tiny strip of land along the northern coast of Sri Lanka are being deployed as human shields by the insurgent force known as the Tamil Tigers -- while artillery shells fired by the Sri Lankan army land indiscriminately among rebels and noncombatants alike. The United Nations asserts that at least 4,500 civilians have been killed since January as the government has sought to decisively end a bloody rebellion that has lasted for a quarter-century. The army is said to be preparing a final assault that, according to U.N. Emergency Relief Coordinator John Holmes, could produce a "bloodbath." Secretary General Ban Ki-moon has spoken of "tens of thousands" of lives at risk. Yet the conflict has barely been reported, and the international community has barely stirred.

The fighting threatens to produce exactly the kind of cataclysm that states vowed to prevent when they adopted "the responsibility to protect" at the 2005 U.N. World Summit. This doctrine stipulates that states have a responsibility to protect peoples within their borders from genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity and ethnic cleansing. When states are found to be "manifestly failing" to protect citizens from such mass violence, that responsibility shifts to the international community, acting through the United Nations. At the core of this norm is the obligation to act preventively rather than waiting until atrocities have occurred, as has happened too often.

Why, then, the silence? The most important answer is simple: "the war on terror." Government officials have artfully, and relentlessly, appropriated the language of the war on terror to characterize their fight against the rebels, formally known as the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). The group is one of the world's most ruthless insurgencies: The Tigers perfected the technique of suicide bombing long before Islamist jihadists did so (using it in 1991 to kill Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi, among many others) and operate almost as a suicide cult. The United States includes the LTTE on its list of foreign terrorist organizations. Any government that failed to aggressively confront such a threat would be guilty of failing to protect its citizens.

When we think of mass atrocities, we think of regimes -- or their proxies -- massacring defenseless citizens, as in Rwanda or Darfur. The situation in Sri Lanka is more complicated, morally and legally: This is a situation of armed conflict in which both parties are acting in ways that pose a grave risk to innocent civilians. The party that is perhaps more culpable -- the rebels -- answers to no one. And the Sri Lankan government has been able to operate with virtual impunity because it is fighting "terrorists." Even Western states that usually condemn violations of international law have given the situation a wide berth.

But states engaged in combat do not have the right to perpetrate atrocities; nor does the cruelty of armed opponents absolve states of their responsibility to protect citizens. And there is no one better equipped than we in the United States to recognize the cynicism behind the language of the war on terror, which allows states to do as they wish in the name of defeating supreme evil. Over the past quarter-century, Sri Lanka has been accused of fighting the Tigers with a policy of enforced disappearances, extrajudicial killings and arbitrary detentions. In the current battle, the army has engaged in intense shelling and aerial bombardment of the combat area and an adjacent "no-fire zone," set aside for civilians.

Colombo is in no mood for lectures. But we cannot accommodate its ambition to crush the LTTE if doing so could lead to massive loss of life among civilians. Quiet diplomacy by U.S. officials and by Ban and others last week persuaded the government to observe a two-day pause in the fighting, but the Tigers refused to let civilians leave, the government continued to prevent humanitarian groups from entering the conflict zone, and the battle resumed with equal or greater ferocity.

There is widespread agreement about what must be done: The LTTE must allow civilians who wish to leave to do so; the government must agree to observe a more extensive cease-fire, guarantee the safety of those civilians and treat them according to international standards governing internally displaced peoples. The Tigers may refuse to release civilians, whom they view as the only thing standing between themselves and annihilation. But the army must not use this as a pretext to resume hostilities: The rebels no longer represent a threat to the state, and most analysts believe that a Gotterdammerung on the beach would spawn a new insurgency.

The time for behind-the-scenes diplomacy has passed. The Security Council must take up the issue -- a move Colombo has fiercely resisted -- and remind both sides that there will be consequences, in the form of prosecutions for crimes against humanity. The council should also demand that the government grant humanitarian groups and the media access to the conflict zone, dispatch a special envoy to the region, and consider imposing sanctions. Ultimately, it must help facilitate a durable political solution to the fighting. In 2005, the United States, along with the rest of the world, accepted the obligation to protect civilians at risk of atrocities. The moment has come to redeem that pledge.

(James Traub is a contributing writer for the New York Times Magazine and director of policy for the Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect.)

April 21, 2009

Congressional Hearing Assesses Humanitarian Crisis in Sri Lanka



22 April 2009
 
The situation in Sri Lanka, where government forces are fighting to eliminate the last stronghold of Tamil separatist rebels, was the subject of a U.S. congressional hearing Tuesday.  

Discussion of the military conflict and what the United Nations and human rights groups call a dire humanitarian situation came during a hearing of the Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission, formerly known as the Congressional Human Rights Caucus.

Sri Lankan government troops are pressing an offensive against the separatist Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam in their last stronghold, the northern area of Vanni. Thousands of civilians have fled to government-controlled areas.  

The Tamil Tiger rebels have fought for 25 years to establish an independent homeland for Sri Lanka's Tamil minority in the northern part of predominantly Sinhalese Sri Lanka.  More than 70,000 people have died in the civil war.

Representative Jim McGovern, 21 Apr 2009
Representative Jim McGovern, 21 Apr 2009
Representative Jim McGovern chaired the hearing:

"The particular case we are exploring this afternoon, Sri Lanka, is a situation where both the government forces and the Tamil Tigers have abdicated their responsibility to protect from mass atrocities civilian non-combatant who are caught in the cross-fire of war," said Jim McGovern. "It has therefore fallen to the international community, and especially humanitarian organizations like UNHCR and the ICRC, along with a handful of NGO's, to try to assure their safety."

The International Committee of the Red Cross has warned of a catastrophic situation in which hundreds of civilians have been killed or wounded.  The Sri Lankan government and Tamil separatists have issued varying casualty figures.

Amin Awad, UNHCR Representative to Sri Lanka, 21 Apr 2009
Amin Awad, UNHCR Representative to Sri Lanka, 21 Apr 2009
Amin Awad, United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees representative to Sri Lanka, said 100,000 civilians have been on the move in the last 48 hours, adding to an already large population of 180,000 Internally Displaced People (IDPs).

"The 100,000 who just left the no-fire zone are being processed by the [Sri Lankan] army in the district of Kilinochchi and the district of Mullaitivu," said Amin Awad. "This will become an extra burden on the already-meager resources and the limited space the government of Sri Lanka provided to receive the IDP's."

Awad puts the number of civilians remaining in the Tamil zone at 50,000 to 60,000, which he calls a conservative estimate. He says more than 9,000 people, many with serious injuries, have been evacuated since February.

The United Nations and Human rights groups have urged the Sri Lankan government and Tamil separatists to exercise restraint, with Awad urging additional humanitarian pauses.  However, both came under sharp criticism in Tuesday's hearing.

Anna Neistat of Human Rights Watch says both warring parties have committed serious violations of international humanitarian law.

Tamil separatists, she says, continue to prevent civilians from fleeing to government-controlled areas and use them as human shields, while numerous casualties can be attributed to government artillery attacks.

Anna Neistat - Human Rights Watch, 21 Apr 2009
Anna Neistat - Human Rights Watch, 21 Apr 2009
Neistat faults the government for failing to ensure delivery of sufficient relief supplies to people still in the conflict zone, and failing to provide sufficient aid to the internally-displaced:

"The way that people are being treated now leaves little doubt that the welfare, quote unquote, of the inhabitants is the last thing on the government's agenda, and that leaves very little hope that people will be indeed resettled as well as that their other rights will be respected," said Anna Neistat.

The comment was also a response to a Sri Lankan Embassy statement, issued through a Washington public relations firm Patton Boggs, sharply criticizing Human Rights Watch and other non-government groups.

Despite what it called unfounded fears expressed by Human Rights Watch and other organizations, the statement said the government has an excellent track record of restoring war-torn areas and returning displaced persons to their homes as soon as practicable.

It said the United Nations and International Committee of the Red Cross have full access to 16 IDP camps, which the government says meet international standards and provide adequate shelter, food, medicine and services.

Miriam Young, Director of the U.S. Non-Government Organization Forum on Sri Lanka, says the most critical need is an immediate cessation of hostilities to allow the U.N., Red Cross, and other humanitarian agencies to provide food and medicine to those in need.

She urges the Obama administration to use its influence to press both warring parties to stop the fighting.

"This is an opportunity for the Obama administration to reassert our country's moral leadership on behalf of desperately vulnerable people," said Miriam Young. "Not to do so would mean the loss of tens of thousands more needless deaths [lives]."

The United States considers the Tamil Tigers a terrorist organization. The State Department on Tuesday appealed to both sides in the conflict to spare civilians, and urged the Sri Lankan government to permit international monitoring and access to sites where internally-displaced persons are being processed. [voice of america - voanews]

The “human” costs of the “humanitarian” rescue operation

by D.B.S. Jeyaraj

Thousands of Entrapped Tamil civilians fled from areas controlled by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) on April 20th in the aftermath of a military operation by the Army that was successful in breaching tiger defences in the Karaithuraipatru AGA division in Northern Mullaitheevu district.

According to official sources , besieged Tamil civilians were able to escape LTTE clutches and move towards Army positions after the security forces broke through the “bund cum Trench” defence constructed by the Tigers in the Puthumaathalan-Ambalavanpokkanai area.

There was much euphoria about the event and President Mahinda Rajapakse himself was present at the Air Force headquarters to see at first-hand how the operation described as a humanitarian rescue exercise was in progress.

[click here to read the article in full~in dbsjeyaraj.com]

April 20, 2009

A mass slaughter of civilians will take place...And everyone knows it

Day of Reckoning in Sri Lanka
By Robert Templer

The Sri Lankan government has issued a deadline of noon tomorrow for the Tamil Tigers to surrender. With the embattled rebels unlikely to put down their guns before then, only forceful and immediate international action to halt the fighting can prevent the possible deaths of tens of thousands of civilians trapped between the warring parties.

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More than 100,000 men, women and children are trapped in a space roughly the size of Central Park, caught up in a war between the Sri Lankan government and the remaining forces of the separatist Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), or Tamil Tigers. Cornered in a shrinking patch of coast in the Northeast of Sri Lanka, with little access to food, water or medicine the past three months, the civilians have remained out of the sight of most of the world. U.N. and humanitarian workers were forced by the government to leave LTTE areas last September; journalists have also been banned from witnessing the unfolding horror.

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The area the Sri Lankan government calls the "no fire zone" -- a sea of people, tents, and makeshift shelters on a sliver of jungle and beach -- is being shelled by the military. The Tamil Tigers are using the refugees there as human shields, preventing them from leaving. Available reports suggest 5,000 civilians, including at least 500 children, have died since mid-January, and more than 10,000 have been injured. And even though tens of thousands of civilians escaped the so-called "no fire zone" last night, as the Sri Lankan military advanced, many more remain in grave danger. If the Sri Lankan government's noon deadline passes, the long feared final assault could begin, with innocent civilians suffering disastrous consequences.

After a 25-year fight against a brutal LTTE insurgency, the government's desire to "finish the job" is understandable. But as the onslaught continues to imperil civilians, an already humiliated Tamil diaspora is growing more volatile, angry, and mobilized -- a potentially explosive combination.

There are disturbing signs that a new generation of young Tamils in the United States, Canada, Britain, Europe, and India are being radicalized. That process has the potential to produce new forms of terrorism and violence. While the Tigers' targets have so far been contained to Sri Lanka, they might soon find new venues. If the Tiger's leadership is removed or killed in a government assault, it's easy to imagine one of the newly energized generation stepping in to fill the void. The dream of an independent Tamil homeland in Sri Lanka resonates powerfully across the diaspora and will certainly live on even after the defeat of the LTTE as a conventional military force. The deaths of tens of thousands of innocent Tamil civilians -- while their family members watch from afar -- is a recipe for another, possibly more explosive, generation of terrorism.

Much of the international community knows what is happening and what is at stake. Nongovernmental organizations, including the International Crisis Group, have been sounding the alarm bells since last fall. Since then, more and more hard proof of unacceptable civilian suffering and war crimes have emerged, including the satellite images of the crowded tent camps seen here, video of dead children, and interviews with exhausted ICRC doctors. Nonetheless, the U.N. and influential governments have been slow to act and have allowed a bad situation to grow much worse.

Similar paralysis and foot dragging by multinational institutions and powerful countries produced Rwanda and Srebrenica. Barack Obama's administration has said it is committed to the principals of international law and humanitarian protection. Sri Lanka is the perfect opportunity for the new U.S. president to show that this is not empty rhetoric.

With both government forces and Tamil Tigers abdicating their responsibility to protect civilians from mass atrocities, urgent, determined, and united international action is necessary to ensure the safety of the innocent -- by the United Nations Security Council, other multilateral organizations, and individual countries that have relations with Sri Lanka, including India and Japan.

The French, British, and U.S. governments released important statements last week calling for a new pause in the fighting. They urged all sides to facilitate humanitarian access and free movement for at-risk civilians. This was a good start, but not nearly enough. Strong and timely messages must continue, and the consequences of a bloody end to this crisis must be made crystal clear. Both Tamil Tiger and government leaders should be told that they are liable to be held personally accountable for breaches of international humanitarian law, and that they need to find a solution that avoids further bloodshed.

Until a more lasting solution can be found and the Tigers persuaded to put down their guns, international actors must demand that the Sri Lankan government halt its offensive. What's needed is a humanitarian pause of at least two weeks to give a chance for relief supplies to get in and civilians to get out. U.N. agencies and the ICRC must be allowed full access to all locations where either civilians or surrendered Tamil Tiger fighters might cross over into government controlled areas. Both civilians -- and fighters who agree to lay down their arms -- need stronger international guarantees of their safety. Only international supervision, unhindered by the government, can provide the necessary level of protection.

All means of influencing the Tamil Tigers must be explored. The Tamil diaspora has an important role in persuading the LTTE to allow the trapped civilians to leave the target area and ultimately, agree to lay down their arms. Simple and one-sided denunciations of government shelling and civilian deaths are not enough -- the Tigers, too, share the blame and must be held accountable.

But at this decisive moment, it is the Sri Lankan government that holds the lives of the trapped Tamil civilians in its hands. It is to the Sri Lankan government that international leaders must send their most immediate messages of restraint. How the war ends will be critical to Sri Lanka's future. Will it be in a bloody massacre whose memory will be used to incite decades more war and terrorism? Or will we see renewed efforts to find a negotiated end to the fighting, and with it, the possibility of building a new, more peaceful Sri Lanka for all its people? [courtesy: Foreign Policy]

Robert Templer is Asia program director at the International Crisis Group

Protect Civilians in ‘Final’ Attack

UN Security Council Should Initiate Commission of Inquiry

(New York, April 20, 2009) – An expected major attack following the Sri Lankan government’s “final warning” to the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam underscores the need for heightened measures to minimize civilian casualties, Human Rights Watch said today. The continuing laws of war violations by both the Sri Lankan army and the LTTE indicate the need for a United Nations commission of inquiry to investigate war crimes by both sides, Human Rights Watch said.

Sources in the 20-square-kilometer “no-fire zone” reported to Human Rights Watch that the Sri Lankan army is still using heavy artillery in attacks on the densely populated area and that the LTTE continues to block civilians from fleeing. There were unconfirmed reports of hundreds of civilian casualties today alone. At least 10,000 people have managed to escape in the past day, but 50,000 to 100,000 civilians remain in the conflict area under grave threat.

“The government’s ‘final warning’ to the Tamil Tigers should not be considered a final warning to the thousands of trapped civilians,” said Brad Adams, Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “Both sides need to show far greater concern for civilians, or many more civilians will die.”

Under international humanitarian law applicable to the armed conflict in Sri Lanka, both the Sri Lankan armed forces and the LTTE are obligated to take all feasible precautions to minimize harm to civilian life and property. But since January, both sides have shown little regard for the safety of civilians in the embattled Vanni region in northeastern Sri Lanka, and more than 4,500 civilians are believed to have died in the fighting, according to UN estimates. The LTTE has violated the laws of war by using civilians as “human shields,” by preventing civilians from fleeing the combat zone, and by deliberately deploying their forces close to densely populated civilian areas. The Sri Lankan armed forces have indiscriminately shelled densely populated areas, including hospitals, in violation of the laws of war.

Human Rights Watch reminded Sri Lanka of its obligations under international law to investigate credible allegations of war crimes, including by members of its own forces, and appropriately prosecuting those responsible. Past Sri Lankan government investigations into allegations of war crimes have led to few prosecutions, particularly in recent years. Human Rights Watch also called on the UN Security Council to establish a Commission of Inquiry into allegations of war crimes by both sides.

“The Sri Lankan government needs to hear loudly and clearly from a concerted international community that they, just as the Tamil Tigers, will be held accountable for what happens to the civilians in the no-fire zone,” said Adams. “It is high time for the humanitarian crisis in Sri Lanka to be officially taken up on the Security Council's agenda.”

Individuals who commit serious violations of international humanitarian law with criminal intent – that is, deliberately or recklessly – should be prosecuted for war crimes, Human Rights Watch said. War crimes include using human shields and deliberately attacking civilians. Evidence as to whether indiscriminate attacks on civilians were deliberate or reckless would include information on the known number of civilians in the area under attack, attacks striking presumptively civilian objects such as hospitals, and a showing that such attacks occurred repeatedly.

In addition to those who ordered or executed unlawful actions or attacks, commanders who knew or should have known of war crimes being committed and failed to take measures to stop them can be held responsible as a matter of command responsibility.

“Military commanders on both sides need to be taking civilian security into account in every action they take,” said Adams. “By not doing so, they are leaving themselves open to future investigations and prosecution.”

To view “Sri Lanka: Trapped and Under Fire,” an audio slideshow on the civilians affected by fighting in the Vanni region in northeastern Sri Lanka, please visit:

http://www.hrw.org/en/features/sri-lanka-trapped-and-under-fire

For more of Human Rights Watch’s work on Sri Lanka, please visit:
http://www.hrw.org/en/asia/sri-lanka

For more information, please contact:
In London, Brad Adams (English): +44-20-7713-2767; or +44-790-872-8333 (mobile)
In New York, Anna Neistat (English, Russian): +1-212-377-9491; or +1-443-812-9640 (mobile)
In Mumbai, Meenakshi Ganguly (English, Hindi, Bengali): +91-982-003-6032 (mobile)

There was/is no mainstream "left" in Ceylon/Sri Lanka

by Lalith Abeysinghe

I disagree with one of the main points that Kusal is presenting in his article “Sri Lanka:Non-existing Capitalist and Working Classes and growing “Sinhalaisation”of Business Community”.

According to Kusal, at least it implies that the "Left" in Ceylon and in Sri Lanka was totally if not partly responsible for the agony that the country is experiencing now.

I disagree.

There was/is no mainstream "Left" in the country at the first place.

We, for various reasons, like to believe that there was (or is) a "Left Movement" in the country. True, the LSSP, the CP and the numerous fractions of those two and the most recent the JVP and the equally numerous fractions were / are there.

They are RED. They quote Marx, Engles, Lenin, Stalin, Trotsky, Mao, Gramskey and so on. They talked about the 'Working class' too.

Pathetically, and in reality none of those parties had a "Left (or Marxist/ Leninist) Program". If we prepared to accept or believe that there were/are "LEFT" movement, from that point onwards, whole of our analysis and the predictions get derailed.

The LSSP was the first, which introduced the Marxist elements to the Sri Lankan politics. They were more in Trotskyism. The CP was responsible for Stalinism and Shan for Maoism.

If we accept the Russian Revolution, as Kusal discussed in the Sri Lankan context, there was no "Capitalists" and nor "Working Class" in Russia as such, at least compare with Germany. If we accept the Chinese Revolution, there were no "developed" working class and capitalists in then China. Both the countries were escaping from the feudalism.

If we accept the Cuban Revolution, there were no developed capitalists or working class. If we compare Russia, China and Cuba with the other developed countries such as England, France, and Germany and later on USA, the revolution should have been taken in the developed countries.

The 'conditions' explained in the Marxist theories were more and conducive for the "revolution" in those countries.

Then what was the "decisive factor" that led the revolutions in Russia, China and Cuba? It was the "Marxist Party" with a "Left (Marxist/ Leninist/ Maoist/ Castroist) Program.

The context in Ceylon in 1930 s was unique in itself and not that different to the contexts of Russia, China and Cuba. Of course the contexts were different from one to the other. There will be no similar situations and the contexts to compare with.

There are vast differences in each situation. The Revolution takes place in different ways addressing the details and the differences in each context.

The "Left" in Russia, China and Cuba were equipped with true and capable "Communist Parties" which had a "Program" towards the Revolution. They were not necessarily or unnecessarily uttered the "Marxist" jargons.

Lenin in Russia even contributed to the Marxist literature in a creative ways, addressing the Russian context in which the revolution took place. Mao and Castro did the same ways in China and in Cuba.

There were/are no mainstream "Left" in Sri Lanka. It is of course very hard to accept. But we very freely say that there was no "Left" in the Cambodia. Simply because we were not involved in it and we could look at it very objectively.

As Kusal (wrongly!) expressed, there is no need that the country should have 'capitalists' and 'working class' for a revolution. There should be a proper program based on the "Marxist Values" led by a Party for a socialist revolution.

The "Left" in the country is still to come; no matter there is capitalists or a working class.

KUSAL PERERA RESPONDS

Hi Lalith,

Your response is most welcomed.

And you raise a very serious issue about what the "revolutions" were in Russia, China and Cuba. If you are talking in terms of a working class revolution in establishing a new "socialist" order and if that is projected as "socialism" which Marx and Engels wrote about, then let me tell you, those revolutions were never that.

Its very plain. None of those countries after their revolutions could achieve social stability, democracy and economic development with social equity. They were plain authoritarian States under heavily regimented Communist Parties.So "revolutions" just don't mean anything without socio political programmes for democracy and economic development with social equity. One could only say the Communist Parties are in power.

That is also why all those countries hit social upheavals and broke off. That is why in China the CP leadership is holding onto their State power and liberalising the economy. All of it is going to prove that the basic and fundamental assumption by Marx still holds true. "Socialism" can only be achieved after a society reaches its full growth within a capitalist system.

Why countries like Germany, France and England as Marx saw, did not have working class revolutions is because, the Russian revolution did not leave any ideological justification for a developed capitalist society to revolt against itself to establish a mediocre, rigidly regimented Soviet type society. Why should they ?

That therefore gave another lease of life for the world capitalist order. And we are now living through that, which has again come to a huge crisis. Again with no better alternative. So the world would have to repair itself and live through another phase of capitalist existence.

Sri Lankan capitalism has not future without help from global capitalism

by Vasantha Rajah

In countries like Sri Lanka, capitalism did not organically evolve from feudalism as happened in Europe. Capitalism was arbitrarily imposed by colonialists on a feudal society. Therefore, it is not surprising at all that its feudal past is still alive. The feudal consciousness continues to persist in various forms. The Sinhala politicians’ pathological failure to politically solve the Tamil Question is partly a result of that.

Sri Lanka’s capitalist economy and its state are invariably intertwined and dependent on the global capital serving rich countries’ interests. Sri Lanka’s capitalism has no future without direct help from global capitalism. Thus, the formation of a fully-fledged capitalist class with a commitment to democratic values fails to take roots; and the greed ‘for a few dollars more’ with foreign blessings becomes the sole interest. In the absence of a strong capitalist class, the state plays the major role in profit-sharing with the global capital. The political elite have become indistinguishable from the business circles, and corruption inevitably has become the hallmark of political power.

During the past few decades, easily available global credit facilitated Sri Lanka’s economic and political survival. The US-led global capitalism had no choice but to pump in mountains of paper money – using a deregulated banking system – to keep the poor afloat – which is essential for their own survival.

There’s no viable internal market in Sri Lanka for a capitalist class to thrive on. So the SL state had to orientate the country towards “dollar-earning” activities: garment industry, tourist industry etc. Expanding tea exports, ‘exporting’ labour to foreign countries (particularly to the middle-east), along with textile exports and tourism, (all of them major foreign exchange earners) have been the central pillars of the SL economy. The service sector, including construction related industries, has been closely linked to them.

But here’s the rub: The mainstay of Sri Lankan economy during the past few decades has been thoroughly dependent on colossal amounts of global credit that was part of the global credit bubble that recently collapsed.

I explained all this for a reason: to show that the Sri Lankan economy is very much a tiny part of the global economy, and what happens to the SL economy is directly linked to what’s happening in the global economy.

The global economy’s existing format is going to change dramatically in the foreseeable future. The recent G20 summit in London has given important clues in this regard, and before addressing how Sri Lanka should economically orientate towards the onrushing changes let me briefly mention how the global world-order may look like in the near future. [Read the top articles in Global Economy, Global Politics and Global Vision sections of www.lankaeye.com ]

The global leaders, including China and Russia, will take decisive action to launch a new global currency that is independent of any single country’s domination. [China proposed this in no uncertain terms. US President Obama didn’t like the wordings. This is excusable for the time being. Considering the entrenched western prejudices against such radical views the politicians like Obama will have to move slowly. However, this is essentially the project the G20 leaders finally agreed to.]

Also, a global central bank - that has immense power to create money for the purposes of global economic development – seems to be very much on the agenda. All banking outlets, in the final analysis, will have to be part of this new order. The financial anarchy that existed prior to the global credit crunch will have to go.

The ongoing bailout efforts may turn out to be mere ad hoc efforts to postpone a social chaos on a global scale. The governments fear the immediate political and social repercussions if the big banks and industries are allowed to collapse overnight. Pumping trillions of tax-payers money into these bankrupt institutions is not going to solve anything. G20 leaders know this, and they know the old system will have to be fundamentally transformed.

The hitherto existed US domination, dollar domination and western domination will have to go. Global institutions of supranational nature that are democratically accountable to nation-states will have to play the dominant role within the new world-order. Only a highly regulated private sector will have to be allowed to operate within the framework of such global parameters.

Surely, changes of such magnitude will not happen overnight. But, that is the direction things are heading. And, these new realities should be taken into account in planning Sri Lanka’s economic and political future.

Firstly, immediate steps should be taken to radically transform its constitution that, in the final analysis, is the main culprit of Sri Lanka’s conflicts. There cannot be any economic prosperity without a constitution and a new political framework that tally with Sri Lanka’s social realities.

Secondly, a viable economic vision – that is attractive to all communities - should be in place. Such a vision should be firmly based on the fast developing global realities I outlined above.

The first step in this regard is to discard some existing nationalist prejudices: In the context of the emerging democratically globalized future we must not think in terms of national self-sufficiency. Instead, we must learn to relate to the global economy in the most efficient way possible.

Considering the wide variety of geographical and cultural assets Sri Lanka has, no doubt there are many ways of contributing to a globally harmonized ‘One World’. But, in my view, Sri Lanka’s scenic and cultural beauty comes on top. Thus, tourism should become the central plank in planning the state’s blueprint for islandwide infrastructure.

Remember, planning of infrastructure that include roads and railway networks, energy distribution, communication networks, education, health, housing and welfare networks and so on should be the task of the public sector. A regulated private sector should operate within the parameters of an islandwide economic vision of such calibre. Negotiating funds for infrastructure projects designed to dramatically increase Sri Lanka’s productivity as part of IMF’s future funding for global development is, I believe, bound to be fruitful.

In conclusion I argue that there should be a united front of Sri Lanka’s Left primarily based on two central tenets: One, a political programme to transform Sri Lanka’s constitution and the institutions that is unambiguously appealing to all communities. Two, an economic programme based on common welfare that is equally beneficial to all communities and all regions.

(This is a contribution to the discussion initiated by Kusal Perera in his article “Sri Lanka:Non-existing Capitalist and Working Classes and growing “Sinhalaisation”of Business Community”.)

Tamil people and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam I

by Prof. Michael Roberts

Part one: Seting the scene

In early April I used my previous research to present what I hope is a clinical study of suicides for political cause with special attention to the Tamils in general and LTTE in particular. This review embraced self-immolation in protest as well as fasts-unto-death, ansd defensive suicide not just suicidal act as attacking weapon. This ‘bank’ of work is now being augmented by another set of essays intended to arouse debate on web sites.

All these ventures are a product of a comparative survey that I embarked on about five years ago: namely, a review of the cultural ingredients which have motivated the projects of the jihadists (holy warriors) and mujahideen (fighters for cause) on the one hand and, on the other, the kamikaze and the karumpuli (Black Tigers) after – and this point has to be stressed -- these forces had been generated by specific politico-military situations in particular contexts.

In all three instances notions of honour figured strongly in the inspirations for what we might regard as suicide for political cause (though the Japanese did not deem it as suicide, but defined it as "killed in action" – Ohnuki-Tierney 2006: xvi-vii). Fine-grained analyses of each arena may conceivably find differences within this broad commonality of a honour code, but I have not addressed that issue.

Rather, I have focused on the conceptions of selfhood (that is, the category "person") in each field. In my tentative thesis the jihadists, in keeping with the characteristics of all the Semitic religions, attach a greater degree of autonomy to the individual (here gendered male) than among the peoples of South Asia and East Asia where hierarchical notions have permeated societal interaction for centuries.

Within the Indian universe governed by the multi-stranded corpus we identify today as "Hinduism," moreover, selfhood is informed by theories of substance. Thus, each individual is seen to be made up of particles and can, as individual, become a particle in another entity. This is the working out of the holographic principle, where the part also embodies the whole. Thus, while there are numerous named goddesses all over India and Sri Lanka, they are understood to be emanations of the one single Goddess.

Some ardent devotees undertake arduous pilgrimage journeys in order to secure a fusion of self, however temporary, with the deity presiding over the holy destination. Indeed, some deities in the Indian lands are deified humans. The m?v?rar have this potential prospect – though I am not contending that this objective was in their thoughts when they fought for the LTTE and Tamils, but am rather pointing to subsequent possibilities. Be that as it may, self-negation, or transcendence of one’s being, through fusion of self in ultimate endeavour has been one facet of the Tiger endeavour.

While the principle of self-negation seemed to be an important element in the inspirations for the Japanese "tokk?tai" (special attack) operation -- [that is, the kamikaze as we label the project today] that was initiated by the Japanese military leaders in October 1944, my initial readings suggested that a nihilistic strain was more pronounced in this setting when placed in comparison with LTTE fighters.

I was led to this idea by Emiko Ohnuki-Tierney’s emphasis on the nihilist aesthetics permeating some of the diaries maintained by a few young kamikaze pilots (2006: 17; plus her 2002 book); and by the a-moral stress on the equivalence of "Life" and "Death" in the strands of Zen teaching adopted by right-wing Japanese patriots in the 1930s and also incorporated within the military’s Field Service Code during World War Two (Victoria 2003, 2004, 2006). However, in conversation in Adelaide in December 2008 Brian Victoria argued that in the Japanese case of self-sacrifice (both military and civilian) during the war there was a fusion of self in higher cause.

As background facts, note that during the process of imperialist expansion initiated by the fascist Japanese regime from the 1930s, the state "managed to promote and inculcate in the minds of the people the idea that all the Japanese, but especially the soldiers-to-be, must sacrifice their lives for their country" (Ohnuki-Tierney 2006: xiii).

The "state dictum" for soldiers was that they must "never be captured by the enemy" (2006: 5). "Even where entire corps of Japanese soldiers faced utterly hopeless military situations, the soldiers were told to die happily. The policy led to the infamous mass suicides (gyokusai) on Atttu, Saipan and Okinawa islands and elsewhere culminated in the tokk?tai operation" (2006: 4).

The degree of coercion and voluntary participation among the civilians who committed suicide by grenade, leaping off cliffs or other means at Saipan and Okinawa remains a contentious subject. But there is no disputing the fact that the Japanese soldiers demonstrated admirable courage in hopeless battlefield situations just as the Tiger fighters have done in recent weeks (Jeyaraj 2009a, 2009b).

The contentious thesis here, then, is that within the ultra-nationalist mind-sets within the Japanese and Tamil arenas, the person -- the individual -- becomes subordinate to Cause (capital C), that is, to country, people and nation-state (or state-to-be, viz., Eelam). To put it in different words, once the LTTE secured the commanding heights in the struggle for cutantiram (liberation), the Sri Lankan Tamil Individual and the Collective, Tamil Eelam, have been regarded as one.

This reading of LTTE ideology informed my interpretation of the exodus activated – seemingly by a combination of persuasion and coercion –vis a vis the Tamil peoples of the northern Vanni from late 2008 as the Tigers were forced to retreat. It also directed my essays on Dilemmas in February (2009a 2009b).

Thus guided, I was convinced that the LTTE would not allow the civilians a choice, especially since the latter also provided a labour pool, a source of foodstuffs from the supplies sent by the government of Sri Lanka via the ICRC and a political bargaining chip (a stack of chips really). It followed that the LTTE would not agree to a ceasefire or if they did so (as occurred eventually when in dire straits around 22 February), they would not lay down arms.

In other words, the civilian mass would be one of the ‘bunds’ in their fortress situation, a bund they could never forego (a) because this bund of people was vital to the survival of Eelam as cause and (b) because total sacrifice was deemed to be the duty of one and all. [to be continued]

Douglas Devananda addresses UN anti-racism conference

Media Release by The Permanent Mission of Sri Lanka to the United Nations Office at Geneva

Addressing the widely publicized UN world conference against racism and racial discrimination under the theme “United against Racism, Unity and Justice for all”, currently underway in Geneva, Sri Lanka’s most senior ethnic Tamil Cabinet Minister said that Sri Lanka’s President Rajapakse was firmly committed to the full implementation of the 13th Amendment to the Constitution which gives substantive autonomy to the provinces. He also called upon the international community to put pressure on the LTTE to allow the civilians in its captivity to leave unconditionally.

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Hon Douglas Devananda meeting UN Secretary- General Ban Ki- Moon

Given below is the full text of the Address by Hon Douglas Devananda, Minister of Social Welfare of Sri Lanka at the Durban Review Conference:

“Ayubovan, Vanakkam, Asalam Aleikum,

Mr. President, Madam High Commissioner Navanethem Pillay, distinguished delegates,

I am honoured to address this assembly on behalf of His Excellency Mahinda Rajapakse and the people of Sri Lanka.

I am a Sri Lankan who is also ethnically Tamil, representing the North, a province populated overwhelmingly by ethnic Tamils. It also had many Tamil speaking Muslims, such as my colleague Minister Rishad Bathiudeen who is with us today, after being internally displaced himself by LTTE terrorism.

Sri Lanka has four major religions Buddhism, Hinduism, Christianity and Islam, and three distinct major communities, Sinhalese, Tamils and Muslims, and three languages Sinhala, Tamil and English. This diversity has made for coexistence as well as conflict.

The sources of conflict lie in factors related to our deliberations here. They are also related, as in many places, to colonialism. Though post-colonial Sri Lanka saw legislative changes which made Tamils feel they were being treated unequally and discriminated against, the majority Sinhalese felt Tamils got disproportionate advantages during colonial rule. Redress was thought necessary but the Tamils felt those actions were discriminatory.

Tamils started agitating against the discrimination and demanded equality and power sharing in areas where they lived in substantial numbers. In the early period these agitations were democratic and non-violent. However, the next generation reacted to the state machinery crushing the non-violent acts of the Tamils. They took up arms against the state through many militant organizations. I was the leader of one such organization.

The flames of conflict should have been doused by the Indo-Lanka accord of 1987, brokered by the Prime Minister of India at the time, Shri Rajiv Gandhi, who was later murdered by the LTTE. It paved the way for a power sharing arrangement. The agreement also required the militants to lay down arms and join the democratic main stream, and almost all of us did so at the time.

Due to the fanaticism of the LTTE, which rejected the Indo-Lanka Accord, the full implementation of the provincial council system has been blocked. The LTTE has been waging war with the ultimate aim of creating a separate state, Tamil Eelam. They are not only waging a war against the state, they also annihilate any democratic Tamil forces that would not be subservient to them.

As a young man in my twenties, I was a survivor of the massacre of Tamil political prisoners in the Welikada jail, in July 1983 by a majority racists mob. However, I had not foreseen the evil of the racism and terrorism of the minority. When I gave up armed struggle and entered the democratic mainstream in 1987, I was regarded as a traitor by the Tigers. The US State Department reports I have survived eleven assassination attempts by the Tigers. My sight is impaired in one eye due to a spike driven into my skull by Tiger detainees when I visited them in prison to improve their conditions of detention. But my perspective is clear.

Our President took action to curb LTTE terrorism after his attempts at negotiation were rejected. Now the Sri Lankan security forces have almost crushed the Tigers. However the Tigers use innocent civilians as human shields. These are my people, Mr President, from the island’s North; people to whom I belong; people to whom I am tied by common ancestry and place.

Though over 70, 000 of those held initially succeeded in getting away, despite being shot at by the LTTE as they escaped, there are still a large number held in captivity. Yet even as I speak today, thousands managed to get away to refuge with the government.

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Hon Douglas Devananda addressing the Durban Review Conference.

If the international community can pressurize the LTTE to surrender or at least to release the rest of these civilians unconditionally, that will go a long way in ending the suffering of the Tamil minority.

President Rajapakse is committed to full implementation of the 13th Amendment to the Sri Lankan constitution which ensures substantive provincial autonomy.

The political process has already started.

Elections were conducted for the Eastern provincial council in May 2008.

A Task Force for the Development of the North under my Chairmanship was established to oversee activities until normalcy is established in the province and elections are held.

In the meantime, an All Party Representative Committee is finalizing proposals, including necessary constitutional amendments, to address grievances of the Tamils.

We refer to this as “13th amendment Plus”, that is, deeper provincial autonomy than currently in the Constitution.

This will include a Second Chamber based on Provinces.

Mr President, this being the current situation in my country, we entered wholeheartedly into commitments at the conference in Durban. This was a landmark event in the struggle against racial discrimination and intolerance.

Sri Lanka is party to major international human rights instruments and has acceded to the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination. Since language rights are perhaps the most important issue of contention in Sri Lanka, we have taken measures to enforce bilingualism in administration while improving training in this field. We have also taken steps to ensure recruitment of Tamil speaking persons into our defence forces.

Mr President, I call on all member states to cooperate in achieving the objectives of the World Conference and implementing the DDPA.

My experience with racism, racial discrimination and xenophobia is real. In the struggle against these, I have been imprisoned, lost close family and friends, shed my blood, risked my life and had my sight damaged.

But I have learned through struggle and sacrifice, that it is Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance that are our enemies, not one another.

Thank you.”

ICG calls for humanitarian pause monitored by the UN and the ICRC

The following statement was issued by the Board of Trustees of the International Crisis Group meeting over the weekend in Washington, DC:

A humanitarian tragedy is unfolding in Sri Lanka involving the possible deaths of tens of thousands of civilians trapped between government and insurgent LTTE (Tamil Tiger) forces in a tiny strip of land not much bigger than Central Park in Manhattan.

As many as 150,000 or more civilians are so trapped. Their living area is being shelled by the Sri Lankan military, and the Tamil Tigers are using them as human shield hostages. Dozens are dying every day, and there are grave shortages of food, water, and medical treatment. Available reports suggest 5,000 civilians, including at least 500 children, have died since mid-January, and 10,000 have been injured.

With both the government forces and Tamil Tigers abdicating their responsibility to protect civilians from mass atrocity crimes, urgent, determined, and united international action is necessary to ensure their safety — by the United Nations Security Council, other multilateral organisations, and individual countries with relations with Sri Lanka.

The International Crisis Group urges that the following specific steps be taken:

-The Sri Lankan government should halt its offensive and accept a humanitarian pause monitored by the UN and the ICRC of at least two weeks to give a chance for relief supplies to get in and a humanitarian corridor to be established for civilians to get out.

-UN agencies and the ICRC should be allowed to conduct a needs assessment, and based on the actual number of those trapped in the so-called "no fire zone", bring in the relief supplies needed so long as civilians remain.

-UN agencies and the ICRC must be allowed full access to all areas and at all locations where either civilians or surrendered Tamil Tiger fighters might cross over into government controlled areas. Both civilians and fighters who agree to lay down their arms need stronger international guarantees of their safety. Only international supervision, unhindered by the government, can provide the necessary level of protection.

-The Tamil Tigers should immediately allow civilians to leave the area and cease forced recruitment.

-All means of influencing the Tamil Tigers must be explored, particularly stepped up restrictions on foreign financing and support for the group. The Tamil diaspora has an important role in persuading the LTTE to agree to an internationally supervised pause and allow the trapped civilians to leave the target area.

-But continuing intransigence by the Tigers should not be an excuse for delaying a humanitarian pause, or the government forces acting in a way that results in the death and maiming of their own citizens.

-It should be made very clear by relevant governments and international organisations to leaders of both the Tamil Tigers and the Sri Lankan government that they are liable to be held personally accountable for breaches of international humanitarian law.

-Sri Lanka's development partners should make clear that continued non-emergency funding will not be available if the war ends in a bloodbath.

Contacts: Andrew Stroehlein (Brussels) +32 (0) 2 541 1635
Kimberly Abbott (Washington) +1 202 785 1601
To contact Crisis Group media please click here
http://www.crisisgroup.org

April 19, 2009

Audio by The Economist: Interview with Karuna, Sri Lanka's 'Reconciliation Ministry'

Audio: Interview with Karuna, Sri Lanka's 'Reconciliation Ministry' - by The Economist

The Economist: For a man charged to bring reconciliation to Sri Lanka, Minister Karua is certainly a divisive figure. As a guerilla commander he is alleged to have been responsible for serious crimes. As a politician, it is alarming as how quickly he's fallen out with his former LTTE comrade and political rival Pillaiyan, The Chief Minister of the East.

This is a familiar theme in Sri Lankan politics.

The governments have a history of co-opting Tail militants in pitting them against each other, and thereby sought to control the country's ethnic conflict, instead of solving it.

If this is happening again, history suggests Sri Lanka may not have the peace it surely needs, but instead more discord.

April 18, 2009

Fraudulent concept of a “fire-free, no-fire, safe zone”

by D.B.S. Jeyaraj

Nowadays there is a lot of media focus on the terms “Safe-Zone,” “fire-Free Zone,” and “No-Fire Zone” in the Northern mainland known as the Wanni.

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[People waiting to get sugar-pic:RDHS]

All terms refer to a designated tract of territory where the warring parties namely the armed forces of the Government of Sri Lanka and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) are not supposed to fire from or fire at each other. [click here to read the article in full ~ in dbsjeyaraj.com]

Sinhala supremacist war cannot create a Sri Lankan peace

by Tisaranee Gunasekara

The middle ground exists, even when it is unoccupied, ignored or denied. There is a moderate space between the two extremes of a permanent ceasefire and an immediate (ground cum air) assault on the ‘safe zone’. The Rajapakse administration positioned itself on that sane locus, momentarily, when it declared a two day unilateral ceasefire in time for the traditional Sinhala and Tamil New Year. That one gesture did more to counter Tiger propaganda and improve the tattered image of the country than innumerable verbal and written barrages.

The two day respite from incessant gunfire, from omnipresent death and injury, would have been very welcome to the beleaguered civilians. It was obviously and manifestly unwelcome to the Tigers. The LTTE always throve in polarised situations, which could be twisted in accordance with their politico-propaganda needs. A Colombo willing to compromise or even appease, was ever an anathema to the Tiger. The last things the Tigers want at this juncture are humanitarian gestures, acts of generosity by the regime. They would welcome a permanent ceasefire because that would give them another lease of life; in the absence of such an elixir, they would prefer an all out assault on the ‘safe zone’ by the Lankan Forces, killing and injuring tens of thousands of civilian Tamils. Such a carnage would enable Vellupillai Pirapaharan to cover his failure on the battlefield with the blood of innocent Tamils. Such carnage would win for him a place of honour in the Tamil Pantheon of Gods and Heroes by transforming the military defeat of the LTTE into a heroic saga capable of inspiring future generations of Tamils.

As Sri Lanka comes to the verge of geographical reunification she is more divided than ever before - psychologically. The regime’s timely action prevented the traditional New Year’s Day, one of the few points of reference common to Sinhala Buddhists and Tamil Hindus, from becoming a day of blood and death for the Tamils (particularly those caught in the ‘safe zone’). Still there was a chasm of difference in the way the Sinhalese and the Tamils would have greeted their New Year. Despite debilitating economic conditions, most Sinhalese are hopeful about the future. But for the majority of Tamils the future would seem bleak (if not dangerous) since the Sinhala Supremacist nature of the regime and its war effort is turning the impending defeat of the LTTE into a humiliation and a setback for the Tamils in general.

The 48 hour humanitarian pause would have been more meaningful had it been preceded by an international effort to persuade the LTTE to permit the evacuation of civilians. The LTTE is unlikely to be persuaded to let go of its final and most potent weapon, but the effort needed (and still needs) to be made by the government, in conjunction with selected members of the international community and the UN. For the humanitarian crisis in the ‘safe zone’ is no Tiger illusion and the government’s refusal to admit to its existence is ridiculously untenable. Truth is indeed the best propaganda; it would make far more sense for the government to acknowledge the plight of the civilians while focusing on the LTTE’s primary culpability for this tragedy though its inhumane refusal to permit these unarmed men, women and children to flee for their lives.

The Penchant for Extremes

In Sri Lanka the moderate centre is unoccupied territory while the two antipodes are teeming with actual and would be owners. The Tigers and their supporters want the war to end either in a permanent ceasefire or in a bloodbath of epic proportions; they are undeterred by the knowledge that the victims of the latter outcome will be fellow Tamils, unarmed men, women and children, who want to escape and live, even in open prisons masquerading as welfare villages. The Rajapakse administration and its Sinhala extremist allies are similarly undeterred by the possibility of massive human losses and the Tamil hatred such carnage will give rise to (if anything is giving them the pause, it is the prospect of international outrage). They are also uninterested in a parallel political track, and openly declare their disbelief in the very existence of an ethnic problem. Each side lives up to the worst expectations (and the most damaging propaganda) of the other; neither hesitates to prove the other correct.

By refusing to make a clear break with the LTTE and by failing to concentrate solely on the suffering of the civilians, most Diaspora Tamils are becoming a party to the diabolical plan by the LTTE to cover the shame of its defeat with the blood of innocent civilians. Ironically the Diaspora Tamils would have met with more international sympathy and support, if their protests were not premised on the oneness of Tigers and Tamils. That equation has brought the Tamils little gain. On the contrary it enabled the LTTE to subjugate Lankan Tamils in the name of liberation, denying to them even the most basic of rights. The Tigers can no longer further Tamil interests and Tamils need to emerge from under the Shade of the Tiger if they want a future for themselves. The longer they remain prisoners of the LTTE politically and psychologically, the more damage they would do to themselves, as a nation, as a people.

If the UNP had a leadership that was hard on the Tigers but soft on Tamils, backed the war while advocating a political solution to the ethnic problem, Sri Lanka’s problems would not have reached the level of an existential crisis. Unfortunately such a leadership is impossible so long as Ranil Wickremesinghe clings to the zenith of the party. The JVP is caught in a time warp and blinded by ideological blinkers. It is trying to be more ‘patriotic’ than the regime, an impossible effort which is doomed to political and electoral failure. With a pro-Tiger UNP and a Sinhala chauvinist Left, moderation and sanity are as rare in the ranks of the opposition as it is within the government.

This critical absence of a moderate centre has created a debilitating vacuum in the Lankan polity. A Sinhala Supremacist war cannot create a Sri Lanka peace, unless there are powerful countervailing forces which can propel Sinhalese and Tamils into more moderate (and centripetal) courses. The Sinhalese need to stop talking and acting in old ways; they have to combine their opposition to the LTTE with support for substantial devolution. The past is not a good place to return to, because it is full of errors which alienated the Tamils and pushed them into (initially non-violent and subsequently violent) separatism. If the end of the conventional phase of the war entails a return to that past, the victory, however intoxicating it is now, will be a toxic one which will further poison the country’s social fabric, rendering it unsustainable.

The Tamils need to embark on a less destructive-self-destructive path. They need to consciously move away not only from the LTTE but also from the thinking that created and sustained the LTTE, enabling it to beat the competition and dominate Tamil polity and society. The end of the war will not end the conflict. The Tamil struggle will resurface, possibly with the Diaspora playing the role of the ‘Motive Force’. But if it is to succeed, it needs to be not just non-LTTE but also anti-LTTE; it must embrace a different ethos and a different path from the Tiger Way, consciously and manifestly. It needs to be tolerant and democratic, and embody the best rather than the worst in Tamil culture and civilisation. If the Tamils (especially the Diaspora Tamils) fail in this task, if they permit Tigers or proto-Tigers to enslave them once again, in the name of liberation, the living would have suffered and the dead would have died in vain.

Eternal Recurrence?

In a post-war analysis of the German debacle, Thomas Mann made the crucial distinction between liberating and anti-liberating liberty, of liberations which liberate and liberations that subjugate a nation. "The German concept of liberty was always directed outward… this German concept of liberty behaved internally with an astonishing degree of lack of freedom, of immaturity, of dull servility. It was a militant slave mentality…" (Germany and the Germans).

The LTTE was the most successful, the most efficient of the armed Tamil groups in the 1980’s. The Tigers were the Tamil Prussians, and their successes engendered the belief that only Vellupillai Pirapahran and his men can liberate the Tamils from the oppressive Sinhala state and take them to the Promised Land. It was their many victories against the Lankan Forces which enabled the Tigers to impose and sustain an anti-liberationist regimen at home. In the process of winning for the Tamils the right to self-determination as a nation, the LTTE took away from each Tamil his/her right to self-determination as an individual. As the Tamil liberation struggle gained momentum under the Tigers, the Tamils became less liberated than ever before. The most fundamental human rights were denied to them, in the name of furthering the cause of liberation.

A similar psychological process is underway in the South currently. The Rajapakse regime has been more successful than any of its predecessors in dealing with the LTTE; in return it is demanding certain rights and privileges which are extra-constitutional. In a bargain as destructive as the one offered to and imposed on the Tamils by the Tigers, the Sinhalese are being expected not just to tolerate but to embrace the denial of certain basic rights in return for ‘national liberation and reunification’. They are being asked to back the regime unconditionally because of its success in beating the Tigers. Unfortunately many Sinhalese seems to regard this ‘quid pro quo’ with either approbation or indifference. As the Tamils did once, they too tend to look upon the anti-democratic conduct of the regime as something necessary to the successful completion of the task at hand, the task of defeating the LTTE and taking the country back to the ‘idyllic’ days predating the outbreak of the war. The regime is thus getting away with the objectionable, the abominable and the punishable, from messing up the economy to sabotaging the 17th Amendment to killing dissidents. For the Sinhalese it is important to take a stand and do it now because it is all too easy to go the way the Tamils went with the Tigers. The descent to the abyss can often be too gradual to be noticeable.

Post Scriptum:

Sri Lanka’s foreign exchange crisis is symbolic not only of the regime’s inane economics but also of the limits of Sinhala Supremacist ‘patriotism’. Early this year the Central Bank, under the stewardship of its unique Governor, Ajith Nivard Cabraal, launched a ‘Patriotic Bond’ targeting the Sinhala Diaspora. The aim was to raise US$600 million to stave off the impending foreign exchange crisis. That effort was a monumental failure, compelling the regime to turn to the once despised IMF. Argentina in 2001 may provide us with some inkling of what awaits us if the IMF loan fails to materialise. Faced with a foreign exchange crisis - caused by IMF advice, according to many economists, including Nobel Laureate Joe Stiglitz - Argentinean government announced its incapacity to payback foreign loans; it also cut down government expenditure drastically, triggering off a societal crisis.

Extremism is irrational; it does not pay in the end, however beguiling it may be in the interim. [courtesy: The Island]

Sri Lanka:Non-existing Capitalist and Working Classes and growing “Sinhalaisation”of Business Community

By Kusal Perera

What realy is wrong with Sri Lanka ? Where have we landed ourselves as a developing country after 61 years of independence ? And now, how fractured and beleaguered our "paradise" island is ? Thereafter, one should also ask, how stupid and foolish the "Left" had been in Sri Lanka . The "left" during the immediate pre and post independence period called shots in our national politics, deciding many things that have misled and misdirected the society all through the decades there after. Before coming to the current issue of how the "Left" (including those who pose as "pedigreed" Marxists) stupidly projected and explained the UNP (United National Party) as a "capitalist" political party, let us just remember how incompetent and amateurish the "Left" had been in Sri Lanka from the time it was ' Ceylon '.

First, the LSSP, the most articulate and democratic of the original "left" political parties and the traditional Communist Party (CP) were both talking of "working class" politics, when there was no such working class in then Ceylon , in the way they chose to define the working class. It was therefore obvious they could not become a mass national force, though they could in the early period become an urban "protest" force.

Second, the failure in understanding this fundamental mistake in their politics led them to portray the "Sinhala" break away faction from the UNP as a "progressive" force in order to work out a platform to defeat the UNP. "Progressive" they decided, because this break away SLFP was going on a "State take over" of private business as a principle stand of their economic policy. The result ? This anti-UNP "left" parties supported "Sinhalisation" of the State in lieu of "State take over" of private business, in the name of "nationalisation". Nationalisation for them was as good as "Socialism". Thus it was "socialism" under a racist government that turned the State into a Sinhala State . "Never mind" they thought, if the UNP could be defeated.

Why defeat the UNP and not the SLFP ? Here in lies the big lie of the "left". There is no capitalist class in Sri Lanka as explained by the "left" activists and intellectuals. The UNP and the SLFP have almost the same social base in terms of political strength. The same business community fund them both. The Sri Lankan society is yet to develop and polarise into economic classes. Every segment in society still lives a quasi feudal life, with their attachments to caste and village. One great recent exposure of this social thinking and attitude was the aftermath of the 2004 December Tsunami. It was not only the ordinary man in the Colombo streets who ran to his village to see what relief could be organised, but the big time businessmen too. They took over most relief work in their own villages. For them Tsunami relief immediately meant their village and their own caste.

It's very plain. They live in feudalistic beliefs and social ties. We have businessmen and their professional advisors trekking to Kataragama annually, to fulfil their previous year's vow and to make another this year, expecting their businesses to flourish with the help of God Kandaswamy. This only explains the attitude, the competitive mind set of the business community. What we have in Sri Lanka is a "business community" scrapping out profits by what ever means and not a Capitalist "class" regenerating capital for growth.

It has to be so. Our economy is not an economy that stands or lives on "productive" capital. The plantation based economy that was introduced into a feudal society during the British rule, did not help dismantle the feudal society in full and generate new "capital". It only grafted a new money based plantation sector with other service appendages, into the existing feudal society leaving whole parts of it with old social values, social structures and also the traditional village hierarchy intact. What developed around all that in the colonial economy which we inherited after the 1948 independence was a service oriented consumer economy. Tea and rubber that could have opened up value added product based industries were not encouraged by the Colonial ruler and wasn't thought of after independence. The major focus was on a welfare State subsidised and run by the State. The private sector therefore grew as a trade and commerce sector, with the government playing the role of a regulator of trade, especially of import and export trade.

There after productive capital came in as grants and aid from pro-Soviet regimes since 1956, when the Bandaranayake government moved into a State centred economy. All corporations producing leather, ceramic, steel, rubber and timber products, were Soviet bloc gifts to be State owned. While most such enterprises were mismanaged and used for political advantage by ruling political parties, with other main service sector enterprises owned by private individuals also taken over by the State, there remained very little opportunity for a capitalist class to evolve and grow.

Nothing proves this better than the privatisation of the commuter bus service. Three years after the economy was turned into a complete free market, there were no large capital investments available for the private bus service. Private buses are run by many hundreds of individuals with finance and leasing 25 years and plus after the privatisation. They represent the social segment that indulges in small time business like groceries and local distributor agencies for consumer products. This is the main reason for this service sector to be totally and wholly ad hoc and thus unprofessional in its management and operations.

Such petty expansion of trade capital depends on State patronage. All recent frauds and corruption cases have exposed links between ruling regimes and the business community. From JKH group to Ceylinco group, from LMS Ltd to Sri Lanka Insurance Corporation privatisation, the issue is not only how unethical and unprofessional these big time business dealers have been, but also how well knit the ruling regimes have been with business persons in supporting them for all things vulgar in business.

Therefore, all through the past decades, the economic growth in Sri Lanka has not been able to shift ownership and social relationships based on capital. Economic activities have not been able to change attitudes and social values to suit the development of a modern society. Instead, it nurtured ethnic and caste polarisation within the business community. With such polarisation, political patronage became an important factor in competing for markets.

For such a sucking, dependent business community which tries to sustain itself and make profits in an economy with snail pace lopsided growth, competition to survive becomes important and often times crucial. It is this that led the majority Sinhala business community to gang up and take control of the State and organise themselves to have the larger share of the existing market. Over the years, politics of the business community thus became more and more Sinhala. The "Sinhala Veera Vidhanaya", basically a market oriented organisation of the Sinhala urban middle class was seen promoting local trade associations to clear out non Sinhala traders from their towns and cities. Over the years, it became quite apparent that in urban areas where trade capital accumulates, the region becomes more Sinhala in politics.

Western province, the geographical area which enjoys the greater accumulation of national wealth at 51%, showed this "Sinhalisation" during the last general elections in 2004 April. In all 03 districts, the JHU which fielded Buddhist monks as candidates polled over 10% with Colombo the most commercialised of all districts giving them 18% of the votes polled at that election. These are districts with large percentages of non Sinhala and non Buddhist presence as well. Yet in predominantly Sinhala Buddhist districts like Hambantota, Moneragala and Anuradhapura , but with very much less accumulation of trade capital, the same JHU polls a falteringly less percentage of 0.1, 1.4 and 2.2 percentages respectively.

Such "Sinhalisation" of the business community is only possible with competition for a larger market share with State power. This has become more evident with the present regime that uses the Sinhala platform to wage war against Tamil separatism. The social call by the Rajapaksa regime, backed by Sinhala political groups like the JVP and the JHU that compete between them to be the best Sinhala representation in politics through war, has provided space for the majority Sinhala business community to use that Sinhala hype to carve out bigger shares in the market for themselves on ethnic bias.

The collective of Colombo based big business people as the "Maubima Lanka Padanama" (Foundation of Motherland Lanka) with its improvised Lion logo called the "Soorya Sinha" logo is the tragic example of such Sinhala dominance in the market. It is this business community that funded the UNP. They now want the UNP too to represent them as a Sinhala political party, as the party in waiting to form the next government. The crisis within the UNP in bringing a pro Sinhala political leadership represents this tussle for Sinhala political power. The UNP is thus far from a "capitalist" political party. It can not be in a country that lacks a capitalist and a working class.

What ails Sri Lanka is this backwardness in capitalist growth and not socialism. Sri Lanka needs to work on a subjective factor, an intellectual leadership to achieve such capitalist growth. The "left" in Sri Lanka is not one that could help generate such intellectual discussion. Sadly, it’s dead wood now.

Let not this silence on Sri Lanka by India and UN Security Council persist

by M.G. Devasahayam

An estimated 250,000 people are trapped in a 250 sq-km area which has come under intense fighting. The people have no safe area to take shelter and were unable to flee. When the dust settles, we may see countless victims and a terrible humanitarian situation unless civilians are protected and international humanitarian law is respected in all circumstances. It is high time to take decisive action and stop further bloodshed because time is running out.” This was the warning issued by Jacques de Maio, head of operations for South Asia, International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) several weeks ego.

It has been clear that Sri Lankan crisis was escalating dangerously, where according to all indications a humanitarian tragedy of horrendous proportion was exploding, given the ‘massive mobilisation for massacre’ by the Sri Lankan Armed Forces on the small number of militants and quarter million civilians holed up in the jungles of Wanni.True to the foreboding of Jacques de Maio, in the last 100 days alone 4,800 Sri Lankan Tamils have been massacred and over 10,000 grievously injured. According to reports, not denied by Sri Lanka Government, thermobaric bomb - a bomb that uses a fuel-air explosive capable of creating overpressures equal to an atomic bomb – has been used in this mass killing. In one such attack over 520 men died and the Sri Lanka Defence website displayed the photos as if these were trophies won!

This is the latest from UNICEF's Executive Director Ann M. Veneman: “Hundreds of children have been killed and many more injured as a result of the conflict in Sri Lanka . Thousands are now at risk because of a critical lack of food, water and medicines.”Sri Lanka Government’s response to the civilians trapped in the ’killer zone’ is demarcation of some ‘safety zones’.

From all reports it appears that safety zones themselves have become killer zones. UN secretary-general Ban Ki moon has expressed deep distress at the persistent reports of shelling, mortar fire and aerial attacks in the no-fire zone. A UNICEF news report on their web says, "This (the govt declared no fire zone) is a 14sq km strip of coastline, home to an estimated 150,000 people, of which around one third are children. Despite the Government’s declaration of a no fire zone, shells continue to fall inside the densely-packed area, exacerbating the high casualty rate.”

New Indian Express said it all in an investigative report when it touchingly quoted a Sri Lankan Tamil refugee describing ‘life’ in no fire zones: “It was like dying each day again and again.” Nothing further needs to be said. The paper’s editorial on 18 April sums up succinctly: “There seems little doubt now that the so-called safe zone is anything but safe. Safety is a delusion for people outside the place to comfort themselves with. Both the West’s finger-wagging over the situation as well as India ’s statements of concern seem patently unreal in this context.”

In this context ‘Super-power’ India ’s stance appear to be the most pathetic. In spite of all the harrowing happenings in the neighbouring island, India ’s External Affairs Minister has made this policy declaration while appealing to the Government of Sri Lanka to extend the pause in cessation of hostilities: "No question of mediation. We were not offered to mediate. Our policy is quite clear. The current concern is to ensure security and safety of civilians trapped in the 'no-fire' zone."

Whose policy is this? Is it the one laid down by the Union Cabinet or the whim of certain parochial bureaucrats in New Delhi ? How is the honourable External Affairs Minister going to ‘ensure’ the safety of the civilians trapped in the 'no fire' zone where life there was “like dying each day again and again.” What is worse, when there have been serious allegations of support by Government of India to the genocidal and racist war waged by the Sri Lankan Army and Government on the hapless Tamils of the island, the Minister was eerily silent on this.

In a ‘response telegram’ Chief Minister Karunanidhi says: “We welcome with gratitude, the appeal made by the External Affairs Minister for ceasefire in Sri Lanka . If the appeal is not honoured and implemented by the Lankan government, we request the Indian government to snap all diplomatic relations with Sri Lanka .” One wonders what this ‘gratitude’ is for and will ‘snapping all diplomatic relations’ save thousands if not lakhs from the jaws of ‘thermobaric death?’

Most unfortunately the rest of the world remains silent, unconcerned and uninvolved except for odd statements and pious intentions. UN Security Council, the only International Institution that is capable of making a difference, do not even have Sri Lanka on their ‘agenda for discussions’ despite their senior officials making heart-rending statements. It is alleged that India has a hand in the conspiracy for blocking this agenda!

The world cannot stand apart and abandon tens of thousands of helpless innocents to their uncertain fate. It must heed to the appeal issued by a group of experts and human rights champions: “It is the UN Security Council, according to the terms of the 2005 agreement, which must authorize ‘timely and decisive measures’ to prevent or halt mass atrocities. The Council must be prepared to bluntly characterize the violence in Sri Lanka as mass atrocity crimes; to demand that the government of Sri Lanka grant access to the conflict zone to humanitarian groups and to the media, both of whom it has barred until now and to consider the imposition of sanctions.”

“Tragedy of mankind is not the brutality of the few, but the silence of the many” said Martin Luther King years ago. Let not this silence – most of all by India and UN Security Council – persist. Lest, the Sri Lankan tragedy befalls and we are judged by history as its co-perpetrators!

(The writer is a former Indian Administrative Service (IAS) officer, who had held many important positions nationally and been in a very high position in the TN State administration, before retirement. Presently chairs the Chennai Intellectuals' Forum and was a member of the Chennai team that met with President Rajapaksa to discuss possible power sharing mechanisms as a solution to the present conflict. )

Politics as continuation of war by other means

by Rajan Philips

If the war was a continuation of politics, what is to come after the war is over? That seems to be the political dead end that the government is now up against. The government is at a dead end not because it does not know what to do politically, but because it doesn’t want to do anything positively. The government’s problem is that it, certainly the dominant sections of it, would prefer to act only negatively – roll back all the constitutional potentialities that have been rolled out since the Thirteenth Amendment, and put the minorities in their place, where they were in 1983. Every negative action has its own equal and opposite reaction. This time the reaction is more abroad than at home.

The military defeat of the LTTE has, far from demoralizing, galvanized the Tamil Diaspora to express its support for the LTTE more strongly than ever before. In delivering the LTTE its biggest military defeat the government of Sri Lanka has also given the organization its greatest political significance. Brazenly rallying behind the LTTE, the Tamil Diaspora has ratcheted up its demand to the highest – a separate state if possible, confederation if necessary – at the very moment the LTTE’s military significance is at its lowest.

This maximalist Tamil demand is a dead end too, useful only as a counter to the government’s dead end of doing nothing politically. So long as the government insists on archaic notions of sovereignty and the unitary constitution and frames the Tamil political problem as nothing but LTTE terrorism, the Diaspora will, in chorus, insist on Tamil self-determination and accuse the government of genocide. One set of extreme claims counter-posed by another set of extreme claims.

Living far flung and away from the horrors of war, isolated from the ignominy of defeat, and enjoying the kind of freedoms abroad that the Sri Lankan government is denying its critics at home, the Tamil Diaspora can afford to keep the dream of Tamil Eelam alive for a long time. That Eelam as separate state is now impractical or unrealizable is immaterial. And it makes no sense to ask the Tamil Diaspora to give up Eelam because there is nothing to give up. Objectively, the Eelam dream is the separatist counter to the Sri Lankan government’s ‘unitary’ intransigence, while as ‘a state of mind’ Eelam will keep the political batteries of the Diaspora constantly charged.

If there is to be any positive movement away from these dead ends, it has to start with the government. Of the two it is the only one that has some thing to give up, or change – give up the unitary constitution and regionalize the power structure. It has also the excuse to show magnanimity in victory, as it used to be said. So far it has given no indication that it is about to do anything different, new or positive. On the contrary, the signs are that the government is going back to the same old, same old ways of the past.

The war has made the Tamil Diaspora a new force in Sri Lankan politics and the Sri Lankan government in turn has been forced to realize that despite its military victory in the Vanni it has to deal with the Sri Lankan Tamils abroad if it is to resolve the Tamil problem in Sri Lanka. But rather than putting out a substantial political proposition to address the Tamil problem and engage broad sections of the Tamils, the government has decided to go fishing to find nondescript Tamil counterparts in the Diaspora to its cohorts of Tamil supplicants at home. Technically, fishing for minority supplicants is called political co-option.

Tamil political co-option has never worked in the past and it is not going to work now – either within Sri Lanka or in the Diaspora. From Sir Arunachalam Mahadeva to Lakshman Kadirgamar, including many third rate Tamil hacks not only now but also in the past, the practice of political co-option has always been fruitless and counterproductive. With the exception of S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike and, to a lesser extent, Dudley Senanayake in 1965, every Sinhalese leader tried to co-opt Tamil supplicants only to come a cropper.

Mutual dilemmas

It is unethical and unwise for the present government in spite of all the past experience to go fishing for spineless Tamil support in the Diaspora without offering anything to change the political system. Instead, the government should take the moral high road of offering something very substantial that would be acceptable to broad sections of the Tamil people and win the insuring endorsement of the international community.

But the government cannot abruptly take the moral high road after going too far down the low military road. Not with the government controlled by its current militaristic leadership and supporters who cannot understand that the defeat of the LTTE is not the end of the Tamil problem.

At the same time, the government needs the support of the international community to deal with the mountain of economic difficulties and reconstruction challenges, and the international community is already insisting on a political solution as a precondition for economic help now that the bogeyman of LTTE terrorism has been put to rest by the government itself. This is the government’s dilemma and it is its own making.

With the excuse of the war over the government has to demonstrate how capable it is in dealing with so far neglected but constantly accumulating problems of balance of payments, plummeting exports, the petroleum hocus-pocus, growing unemployment, never ending electricity uncertainty, and the country’s only growth industry – Colombo’s garbage! In addition, it has to deal with the direct consequences of the war.

It has to provide, as it has promised, long term compensation to tens of thousands of Sinhalese families whose young men either perished in the war or returned home minus their limbs in need of lifelong care. As the Sunday Island editorialized sometime ago, no one begrudges the promised compensation to the soldiers and their families, but the question is whether government would find the wherewithal to make these payments at all. The demobilization of the army after the war, unless the government decides to keep the hugely expanded army intact and pay for it, will create a new army of the unemployed.

The families of the LTTE fighters who died unwept and unsung have no assurances of compensation, but Sri Lanka will be poorer if these families become destitute for want of help and support. The plight of the Vanni civilians displaced many times and finally caught in the eye of the war is now under international spotlight, and the Sri Lankan government has to deliver on the promise to rehabilitate them – a promise that it ought to make to international agencies to qualify for their assistance it so desperately needs.

In sum, the war has created more problems for the government than it thought it would solve by defeating the LTTE. This is analogous to the US predicament in Iraq and internationally after getting rid of Saddam Hussein, with two significant differences. Unlike the US leaving Iraq, the Sri Lankan government cannot walk away from its own country; nor does Sri Lanka have the resources necessary to put things right on its own. All the bravado about getting help from China only means that Sri Lanka is headed in the direction of Burma.

The dilemmas facing the LTTE and Tamil Diaspora are of equal and opposite kinds. The Diaspora has been able to use the humanitarian crisis and the concerns of the international community to put the Sri Lankan government politically on the defensive despite its military offensives in the war. But it is far fetched to assume that by persuasion and protests and by self-serving and geo-politically naive legal opinions the Tamils could get the support of the international community to create a new state in Sri Lanka. Why wasn’t this thought of earlier?

While the Diaspora, certainly the overwhelming majority of it, cannot be faulted for rallying behind the LTTE and recognizing it as the ‘authentic’, if not the sole, representative of the Tamils, that solidarity by itself is not enough for the world governments that have banned the LTTE in their countries to lift those bans. The LTTE was banned for certain specific reasons and not because it lacked support among the Tamil people. It is therefore incumbent on the organization and those who speak for it to address those specific reasons and enable its entry into open and democratic politics. At the end of the day, so to speak, the LTTE or its accredited representatives have to be at the table when the terms of a political solution are negotiated.

How a British Journalist was denied entry and deported from Sri Lanka

A First Person Account by Jeremy Page

The Sri Lankan immigration officer’s eyes narrowed as she swiped my passport at the international airport in Colombo last week. “Come this way,” she said, leading me into a side room, where a colleague typed my details into a computer.

A message flashed up on his screen: “DO NOT ALLOW TO ENTER THE COUNTRY.” With that, my passport was confiscated, I was escorted to a detention room, locked up for the night, and deported the next day. I can’t say that I was surprised, though it was my first deportation in 12 years of reporting from China, the former Soviet Union and South Asia.

Despite multiple applications, I’ve been denied a journalist’s visa for Sri Lanka since August. For almost two years, the Sri Lankan Government has prevented most independent reporters from getting anywhere near the military campaign against the Tamil Tigers. So I was trying to enter as a tourist to write about the 150,000 civilians that the UN estimates are trapped in a no-fire zone with the remnants of the Tigers. The only other countries that I can think of where foreign journalists have to pose as tourists are Zimbabwe, Turkmenistan and North Korea.

I am blacklisted because the Government thinks that the British press, support the Tigers because of the large Tamil community in Britain. That is nonsense: I have no personal connection to either side of this 26-year civil war. The Times has repeatedly reported that the Tigers are banned in the EU, US and India as a terrorist group. It has also reported criticism of the Government’s strategy and tactics from ethnic Tamils and Sinhalese.

This is what journalists do in a democracy. I regularly interview members of the Taleban in Afghanistan. In Russia I reported on both sides of the Chechen conflict. In China I interviewed dissidents and Tibetan independence activists. To do the equivalent in Sri Lanka is not only forbidden, it is highly dangerous.

The last time I visited Sri Lanka, it was to write about Lasantha Wickrematunge, a newspaper editor who was murdered in January. He left behind a part-written obituary in which he accused the Government of assassinating him because of his criticism of the war. The Government denies this.

Another story that annoyed the Government was about its plan to keep Tamils who are fleeing the fighting in camps, ringed by barbed wire, for up to three years. The Government denounced me personally at a news conference, but the most surreal response came in a letter from Rajiva Wijesinha, head of the Government’s Peace Secretariat, who accused me of sensationalising the use of barbed wire in the camps. “Unfortunately, a man from a cold climate does not realise that, in the sub-continent, barbed wire is the most common material to establish secure boundaries, to permit ventilation as well as views,” he wrote.

(Jeremy Page is South Asia correspondent for the "Times")

Sri Lanka's national interest and security cannot be shaped by somebody else's ethnic lobbies

by Dayan Jayatilleke

We Sri Lankans have no excuse whatsoever. We have been forewarned. A piece by PC Vinoj Kumar in the latest issue of Tehelka magazine says that "while the Sri Lankan army claims to be close to wiping out the LTTE, Prabhakaran may already have an able successor in his son".

The article goes onto say that "The techno savvy Anthony is widely tipped to succeed Prabhakaran’s mantle" (sic). And again: "It is expected that Anthony will take over the leadership from his father". "Many LTTE cadres are said to have entered the thick Mullaitivu jungles, an area where several Indian soldiers died during battles against the LTTE in the 1980s. This is truly the lair of the Tigers…Observers now expect that Prabhakaran’s son, Anthony, will lead the coming guerrilla attacks on the Sri Lankans in uniform. Indian journalist Anita Pratap, who shot to fame after interviewing the elusive Prabhakaran, believes that Anthony will eventually take over the leadership of the LTTE from his father some day".

The Tigers have taken a heavy toll on our country and its prospects. They have done so even when other alternatives had presented themselves, starting with the Indo-Lanka accord of 1987. If the Tiger leadership surrenders to a non-Sri Lankan entity, the strength of the Tamil Diaspora will almost certainly secure their release and they will return to blight the future of another generation of Sri Lankans.

If the No Fire Zone (a misnomer inasmuch as it is a Zone from which and within which the Tigers fire at our troops, escaping or restive civilians) remains intact it will expand cancerously over time and become the beachhead of a future Tiger recovery. Therefore the Tiger leadership must be given no quarter and must be annihilated.

Can someone explain to me how the Sri Lankan armed forces campaign to conclusively defeat "one of the world’s most dangerous terrorist groups"(FBI), and "the most lethal and totalitarian guerrilla organization in contemporary Asia" (Barbara Crossette in The Nation) is "futile fighting" (to quote a recent international pronouncement), while the escalating war in Afghanistan is not?

Maybe someone can also tell me why those who opposed a Security Council call for an immediate ceasefire when the war on Gaza was raging, and delayed the meeting of the Security Council, are now calling for an immediate ceasefire in Sri Lanka.

The Diaspora Dimension

These stands are being taken primarily because of the influence of Tamil Diaspora in Western societies. Now, some societies are acutely prone to influence by lobbies, special interest groups, particularistic interests, while others, such as Sri Lanka, Russia and many states of today’s Latin America are more driven by a quasi-Rousseauesque General Will.

The policy of some powerful countries towards places as divergent as Cuba and the Middle East are driven by voting blocs and lobbies. Earlier, such states would argue that Taiwan rather than the government of the Peoples Republic of China with its several hundreds of millions of citizens was the authentic representative of China and was deserving of China’s seat in the United Nations.

To each his or her own. If some states wish to shape their policies towards sir Lanka on the basis of the Tamil Diaspora, that’s their prerogative. Sri Lanka’s national interest and national security cannot be shaped by someone else’s ethnic lobbies. The Sri Lankan state owes its primary responsibility to its citizens, of all ethnic and religious groups.

These are the shareholders and stakeholders of Sri Lanka. Insofar as there are non –resident Sri Lankans, i.e. Sri Lankans who live and work overseas, they are stakeholders of our state and indeed very important ones; the migrant workers in the Middle East bear the burden of our war against secessionism.

Inasmuch as expatriate Sri Lankans have dual citizenship, then they too are citizens of our country.

Inasmuch as they do not, they have no claim on the Sri Lankan state, which in turn has no obligation by them. "British Tamils", "Tamil Canadians", "Tamil Americans" (or "American Tamils"), are just those: British, Canadians and Americans. If we choose to have a dialogue with them – and it is always good to dialogue with everyone—it is not because we have any obligation to do so, or because it is a priority, but because we as pluralist democrats are open to discussion.

This does not mean that there must be no dialogue, but the necessary dialogue is not only between the Sri Lankan state and the Tamil Diaspora, it must, on the one hand, be between Sri Lankan citizens living in this country of ours, and on the other, within the Diaspora between progressive minded Sinhalese and Tamils, especially the younger generation.

In a word, a double dialogue, but both taking place in a social or cultural, i.e. civic space. This double dialogue, particularly among the young, can bear fruit in formulating plans and programmes which can be fed back into Sri Lanka.

Meanwhile the duty of the state and government is to have an open dialogue with all of its citizens as represented primarily by political parties, and various citizens groups.

Lack of a Lankan Guardian Class

Why has Sri Lanka failed to achieve its full potential? Each has his or her own explanation. Mine is that we failed to produce the kind of elite that could have led us to achieve that full potential. We failed to produce or to sustain the kind of vanguard necessary for the task. Without such a vanguard we shall find it difficult to face the challenge posed by the huge mobilization of the Tamil Diaspora in the developed countries, spearheaded by its student youth.

We need such a national vanguard or elite to fight the next war, the coming Cold War on a world scale between the pro-Tiger overseas Tamils (including the irredentist extremists in Tamil Nadu) and Sri Lanka.

It is not that we have not had or do not have elites. We have had elites aplenty: traditional, Westernized, urban, provincial, Sinhala, and Tamil, rural, professional, and monastic. What we have not had is the kind of meritocratic elite necessary for the task of the fulfillment of the country’s full potential. Such an elite would have to unify the various communities into a single nation, while recognizing and accommodating the diversity of the underlying society.

Therefore such an elite would have to be meritocratic, multiethnic/multiracial and multi-religious, just as the Indian elite is and was from the days of independence. The closest we came to such an elite was the Ceylon National Congress, and interestingly, counter-elite, the Ceylon Communist Party in the first decade of its existence. Neither was sustained. Perhaps neither could sustain itself.

How do we define the traits of the Sri Lankan elite that is necessary for the tasks of catching up with the rest of Asia and fulfilling our potential?

Kishore Mahbubani, the outspoken former Ambassador/Permanent Representative of Singapore to the United Nations in New York, Dean of the Lee Kwan Yew School of Public Policy at the National University of Singapore and one of the most respected theoreticians of the emergence of Asia, provides the answer in his essay in Foreign Affairs, entitled "The Case against the West", subtitled "America and Europe in the Asian Century". The essay is adapted from his latest book The New Asian Hemisphere: The Irresistible Shift of Global Power to the East (Public Affairs, 2008).

He identifies the secret of the recent emergence of the East and an essential social ingredient of that emergence. Of course, Mahbubani himself is a prime example, as was his illustrious and equally outspoken predecessor, Ambassador Tommy Koh, of the kind of national elite, which is also an intellectual and policy elite; the neo-Platonic Guardian class that he describes and we have lacked and sorely need.

"Fortunately, some Asian states may now be capable of taking on more responsibilities, as they have been strengthened by implementing western principles…Their [China and India’s] ideal is to achieve what the United States and Europe did. They want to replicate, not dominate, the West. The universalization of the Western dream represents a moment of triumph for the West…The success of Asia will inspire other societies on different continents to emulate it. In addition, Asia’s march to modernity can help produce a more stable world order…" (‘The Case Against the West’, Foreign Affairs, Vol 87, No 3, pp111-124)

He describes a particular historical process and social category, in fact a particular social creature emerging from that process: a westernized Asian who resists Western hegemony and stands up to the West, competes with it, but standing on the ground and using the terms of Western universality and modernity. This is an Asian who is anti-Western in the sense of refusing Western hegemony, while being westernized in another; an Asian who has adopted the baby while throwing out the bathwater.

Sri Lanka has had a westernized elite but which was servile to the West. That is the elite responsible for the retention of the British bases in Trincomalee, the non-recognition of Russia and China (our crucial defenders today in the UN Security Council), the departure from our Non aligned foreign policy which helped trigger Indira Gandhi’s policy dual track policy towards Sri Lanka, and worst of all the CFA-ISGA-PTOMS season of appeasement of Tiger fascism.

Sri Lanka also had a counter-elite which was anti-Western but not from the Nehruvian or Mahbubani-esque standpoint of meritocracy and modernity, secularism and universality, but in the most backward, parochial sense, which was almost always ethnocentric. This counter-elite has sometimes been led by members of the old elite or included Westernized/Western-educated chauvinists. (By the way I wonder what Prof Mahbubani would say about the ultranationalist Professor who opined that we do not need a Barack Obama nor do we need to fuss about him, because DS Senanayake was already our Barack Obama — ignoring of course the glaring sociological fact that in complete contradistinction to Obama, who did not even look like the majority of US citizens and previous Presidents, and belonged to a group traditionally discriminated against, DS came from the traditionally dominant Sinhala Buddhist Goigama propertied elite).

The dominance of each of these two elites has over time, led to backlash which replaced one by the other. Neither is a truly Lankan elite. On the one hand we have a corporate elite which cares about Sri Lanka only as a "brand" and a place for exotic domestic tourism. The other is a Sinhala or Sinhala Buddhist elite, which by definition cannot be Sri Lankan.

This limited alternation and the absence of a synthesis of a patriotic, nationalist or national-minded yet multiethnic, multi-religious, modernist, universalizing elite; an elite which is both nationalist and internationalist, patriotic and globalized as well as globalizing; an elite which is the organic counterpart of those in emergent Asia, has been an abiding source of the Sri Lankan tragedy.

(The writer wishes to state that these are his strictly personal views).

April 17, 2009

Prabhakaran's eldest son, Charles Anthony is likely to be LTTE leader's successor

by P.C. Vinoj Kumar

One day in July 1987, in a plush room of a New Delhi hotel, an Indian diplomat was beginning to lose his temper at an intransigent young man. JN Dixit, then Indian High Commissioner in Colombo, wanted Velupillai Prabakaran, the dapper chief of the rebel Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), to accept a proposed accord between the governments of India and Sri Lanka that aimed to bring an elusive peace to the strife-torn island nation.

The accord stipulated that the Tigers, as the LTTE is popularly known, would lay down arms in return for a great degree of autonomy in governance of the Tamil-majority areas of Sri Lanka. Dixit wanted the LTTE to also drop its campaign for a separate Tamil Eelam, or nation. Prabakaran, of course, would have none of it.

“If you defy us,” said Dixit puffing angrily at his pipe, “We can finish you before I put out this smoke.” Four months later, the Indian army was locked in a disastrous conflict with the LTTE that was expected to finish in under a week but went on to last nearly three years, claiming the lives of 1,155 Indian soldiers.

Twenty-two years later, the Sri Lankan army claims that it is on the verge of wiping out the LTTE and capturing Prabakaran, dead or alive. On April 5, it announced the fall of the last LTTE stronghold, the town of Puthukudiyiruppu in northeast Sri Lanka. The army claims it recovered the bodies of 420 rebel Tigers from the town. Sri Lankan military spokesperson Brigadier Udaya Nanayakkara says top LTTE leaders, including Prabakaran, his son, Charles Antony, and the intelligence chief, Pottu Amman are holed up in a 20 sq km area known as the ‘no-fire zone’, ironically a region where the most civilian deaths have taken place in the last two months.

“There is no way they can escape from here,” Nanayakkara told TEHELKA from Colombo in a telephonic interview. “We have surrounded them.” He refused to set a timeframe for their capture, saying that the army’s priority was to rescue the civilians trapped there.

This is not the first time in the last two decades that the Sri Lankan army has claimed it has cornered Prabakaran. Talking to TEHELKA, B Nadesan, the chief of the LTTE’S political wing, scoffed at these claims . Last January, Sri Lankan Army Chief, Lieutenant General Sarath Fonseka, had told journalists that Prabakaran may have fled the country by the sea route.

On April 1, the army claimed that Prabakaran’s eldest son, Charles Antony, 24, had been wounded in the fighting, which, too, the LTTE denies. The army now claims it is keeping a close watch on Antony, who is believed to have led from the front in recent battles. The Sri Lankan army claims Antony had “produced two powerful bombs”, but gives no more details on its website. The Sri Lankans also link Antony to a number of LTTE air attacks since 2007. The technosavvy Antony is widely tipped to succeed Prabakaran’s mantle.

It is expected that Antony will take over the leadership of the LTTE from his father

With the loss of the town of Puthukudiyiruppu, the LTTE is in the midst of one of its severest setbacks ever. Not long ago, the LTTE under Prabakaran ran a de facto state within Sri Lanka called Eelam. Controlling an area about 150km by 100km in size in northern Sri Lanka, Eelam had its own civil administration, courts, army, navy and even a fledgling air force. All this started to unravel when Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapaksa scrapped the government’s six-year-old ceasefire with the LTTE and started an all-out war against it in January 2008.

They started rolling up their mini-state bit by bit,” says Colombo journalist Kusal Perera about the LTTE. “The last town to go from them was Puthukudiyiruppu.” Perera, who has widely reported on the conflict as editor of the news website, lankadissent, believes that the Tigers are preparing for a guerrilla war from Sri Lanka’s eastern provinces, from where they were forced out a couple years ago. (Perera shut down his website in January following the assassination in Colombo of journalist Lasantha Wickramatunga, who was critical of the Sri Lanka government’s policies.)

Perera says the LTTE cadres have infiltrated the eastern districts of Batticaloa, Trincomalee and Amparai. They are exploding landmines and carrying out attacks on the police, the army, and a progovernment milita group led by Karuna, a former Tiger turned ally of Rajapaksa.

Suspected LTTE cadres shot dead HL Jamaldeen, a police officer, in Amparai on April 5. Two days earlier, the army had said it had ambushed 13 Tigers in the area. On April 1, a soldier was killed and another injured in a LTTE grenade attack in Batticaloa. A couple days earlier, six special task force (STF) personnel were killed in three separate incidents in the same district. On March 26, two ‘Karuna group’ members were gunned down in Amparai. A week earlier, the LTTE had attacked an STF camp in Batticaloa killing about three soldiers.

According to estimates, nearly 3,000 civilians may have been killed since last January.

The Sri Lankan Army’s casualties are never publicly disclosed. “About 10,000 Sri Lankan soldiers may have died in the last two years,” says Sirithunga Jayasuriya, a leader of Sri Lanka’s opposition United Socialist Party. Siritunga was a candidate in the 2005 Presidential elections that Rajapaksa won, and is a critic of the present regime’s policies.

Says the Army’s website: “Pockets of Tiger terrorists since of recent times after their entry into Trincomalee, Batticaloa, and Ampara provinces have been carrying out a new wave of killings to provoke civilians and security forces.”

Many LTTE cadres are said to have entered the thick Mullaithivu jungles, an area where several Indian soldiers died during battles against the LTTE in the 1980s. This is truly the lair of the Tigers. India’s Major General Harkirat Singh, who headed the Indian Army operations against the rebels in 1987, had later noted that the LTTE “always managed” to smuggle in weapons despite the heavy blockade of the Indian navy.

Observers such as N Srikantha, the MP from Jaffna in north Sri Lanka, once a stronghold of the LTTE, echo such views. “It is a fact that thousands of LTTE cadres have melted into the jungles,” Srikantha told TEHELKA. Observers now expect that Prabakaran’s son, Antony, will lead the coming guerilla attacks on the Sri Lankans in uniform.

Indian journalist Anita Pratap, who shot to fame after interviewing the elusive Prabakaran, believes that Antony will eventually take over the leadership of the LTTE from his father some day.

“It is easy to inherit the title,” she says, “but hard to inherit the mandate.” Whether Antony can live up to the expectations remains to be seen. [courtesy: Tehelka]

India for cessation of hostilities in Sri Lanka

Terms continued military action “totally unacceptable”


Tamil National Alliance parliamentary group leader and member of Ilankai Tamil Arasu Katchi R. Sampanthan, flanked by A. Adaikalanathan, president, TELO, (left) and K.S. Premachandran, general secretary, EPRLF, at a press conference in New Delhi on Friday. —

NEW DELHI: The Centre on Friday called for an immediate cessation of hostilities in Sri Lanka, terming the continued military action by the Sri Lankan armed forces leading to civilian casualties as “totally unacceptable.”

The U.S. also made a similar appeal and called for allowing international observers to oversee the evacuation of civilians trapped in the ‘no fire zone.’

“India expects Sri Lanka and others concerned to respond positively to this appeal in the interest of the Tamils who are citizens of Sri Lanka,” said a statement by the Minister for External Affairs Pranab Mukherjee.

The Minister’s statement was welcomed by a visiting delegation of four Sri Lankan Parliamentarians from the pro-LTTE Tamil National Alliance (TNA) who have sought India’s intervention to prevail upon Sri Lanka to ensure the safety of the Tamil civilians and their humanitarian treatment.

The TNA MPs also urged Colombo not to disregard India’s appeal for allowing safe passage to the civilians trapped in the “no fire zone” and termed Mr. Mukherjee’s statement as “very specific, clear and unambiguous.”

Asking India to ensure that its appeal was implemented by the Rajapaksa government in “letter and spirit,” TNA parliamentary group leader and member of Ilankai Tamil Arasu Katchi (ITAK) R. Sampanthan told journalists here that the safety and right to life of the people could be ensured if India’s statement was taken seriously by Colombo.

Denying that the LTTE had been using civilians as a “human shield” as claimed by the Army, Mr. Sampanthan charged that it was the military which had been mercilessly and indiscriminately killing and injuring even civilians waiting for medicines, milk and food.

Colombo was so adamant to “finish off the ethnic Tamils” that it was not listening to the voices of even its own Sinhala human rights group leave alone other international agencies.

The Tamils were afraid to come out to the government-controlled areas or refugee camps as they were nothing but ‘concentration camps.’ There were instances of illegal detention, disappearance of persons and torture of those Tamils under government control, Mr. Sampanthan alleged.

Mr. Mukherjee ruled out any mediation by India while assuring further humanitarian help to the civilians trapped in the ‘no fire zone’ near Mullaithivu.

“Our policy is quite clear. The current concern is to ensure the security and safety of civilians trapped in the ‘no fire zone,” he said.

“India is deeply concerned about the humanitarian situation in Sri Lanka. Continuing conflicts have been taking a heavy toll among Tamil civilians caught in the crossfire,” added Mr. Mukherjee in the statement posted on the Ministry of External Affairs website. While expressing concern over the civilian casualties, Mr. Mukherjee also called on the LTTE to release all civilians under its control.

The U.S. also expressed concern about the “dire humanitarian situation” and called upon Colombo and the LTTE to immediately stop hostilities till civilians trapped in the conflict area were evacuated.

Further violence, it cautioned, will not end the conflict and “stain” any eventual peace.

It wanted the Sri Lankan government to allow international monitors to ensure the safe exit of the civilians and enforce international humanitarian standards in the camps for the internally displaced persons.

“The Sri Lankan government, as the legitimate sovereign power, has before it an opportunity to put an end to this lengthy conflict. A durable and lasting peace will only be achieved through a political solution that addresses the legitimate aspirations of all Sri Lankan communities,” added the statement. [courtesy: The Hindu]

Sri Lanka Military rejects LTTE’s call for permanent ceasefire

Full text of statement by S. Pathmanathan, LTTE plenipotentiary for international relations

LTTE’s call for an immediate and permanent ceasefire has been rejected by the Government of Sri Lanka (GoSL). GoSL on 15th April, 2009 restarted its offensive on the self declared “safety zone” after rejecting LTTE’s call for a ceasefire. LTTE fighters have engaged the Sri Lankan armed forces in the corridors of the ‘safety zone’ and put forward stiff resistance against the Sri Lankan armed forces attempting to break the forward defense line. Sri Lankan forces have fired several thousand rounds of shells and are aerially bombarding the ‘safety zone’ killing hundreds of civilians and injuring many more.

Mr Selvarasa Pathmanathan, head of LTTE’s international relations department has called on the International Community to take on its moral responsibility of civilized world to stop such carnage by bringing about an immediate and permanent ceasefire. International community, especially the Tokyo co-chairs USA, EU, Japan and Norway, together with India, have the power and coercive capacity to bring about an immediate and permanent ceasefire.

“Although the International Community is fully aware of the precarious conditions prevailing in the ‘safety zone’, we are troubled that no effective measures are being taken to bring about a ceasefire and to end the human catastrophe” said Mr Pathmanathan. The lethargic response of the International Community hints towards encouraging a military solution to end the conflict in Sri Lanka and does not lend any support for searching a political solution, he stated. “Resolving the conflict through war will not bring stability in Sri Lanka or in the region”, he added. Mr Pathmananthan insisted only a just political solution for the Tamil national question could pave the way for peace and stability in Sri Lanka.

The head of LTTE’s international relations department reiterated that the assumption built on that the LTTE would use a ceasefire to rebuild, regroup and continue to wage an armed campaign was a fallacy. He said, “LTTE’s armed struggle is the historical product of injustice against the Tamil Nation in the island, and if the International Community could achieve a just political solution to the conflict, the need for an armed struggle would cease to exist”.

The LTTE has again called on the International Community to act urgently at this crucial juncture to bring about an immediate and permanent ceasefire which would create a conducive environment for humanitarian relief operations and to commence a process that would lead to a just political solution.

“We assure the International Community that the LTTE is ready to participate in political negotiations and fight to meet the political aspirations of the Tamil nation at the negotiating table through political means if an immediate and permanent ceasefire is ensured and the human sufferings of the Tamil people are addressed” Mr Pathmanathan has stated.

Department of International Relations
Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam

Permit international monitors to ensure the safe exit of the civilians-US State Dept.

USRWTC0417.jpgRobert Wood
Acting Department Spokesman, Office of the Spokesman
Bureau of Public Affairs
Washington, DC
April 16, 2009

The United States government is deeply concerned about the current danger to civilian lives and the dire humanitarian situation created by the fighting in the Mullaittivu area in Sri Lanka. We call upon the government and military of Sri Lanka, and the Tamil Tigers to immediately stop hostilities until the more than 140,000 civilians in the conflict area are safely out. Both sides must immediately return to a humanitarian pause and both must respect the right of free movement of those civilian men, women and children trapped by the fighting.

The United States calls upon the government of Sri Lanka to assist its Tamil citizens by halting shelling of the safe zone, permitting international monitors to ensure the safe exit of the civilians. The government of Sri Lanka should also enforce international humanitarian standards in IDP camps, grant visas to international aid groups and permit entry into Sri Lanka of international monitors and media access to those camps.

The Sri Lankan government, as the legitimate sovereign power, has before it an opportunity to put an end to this lengthy conflict. A durable and lasting peace will only be achieved through a political solution that addresses the legitimate aspirations of all Sri Lankan communities. Further killing, particularly killing of civilians, will not end the conflict and will stain any eventual peace. We urge the Sri Lankan government to employ diplomacy to permit a peaceful outcome of this conflict. We call on the Sri Lankan government to put forward a proposal now to engage Tamils who do not espouse violence or terrorism, and to develop power sharing arrangements so that lasting peace and reconciliation can be achieved.

Joint UK and French statement on Sri Lanka

The Foreign Secretary, David Miliband, and the Foreign Minister of France, Bernard Kouchner, issued a joint statement on the situation in Sri Lanka on Wednesday 15 April. They said:

'We welcomed President Rajapakse's announcement on 12 April of a pause in the Sri Lankan government's military offensive as a first step towards the protection of civilian life. But we are deeply concerned that there was no large scale movement of civilians away from the conflict area to safety as we had hoped to see, in the short period allowed for the pause. It is clear that the LTTE have been forcefully preventing civilians from leaving the conflict area and we deplore their determination to use civilians as a human shield. We do of course continue to call on the LTTE to renounce terrorism and lay down their arms as a necessary element for a long-term solution.

We urge President Rajapakse to announce a new pause . Democratic governments are rightly held to higher standards for civilian protection than terrorist organisations. We also urge the LTTE to allow civilians to move to safety. It is vital that a pause in the fighting should be long enough to give civilians the opportunity to leave the conflict area, and for the UN to build confidence amongst the population that they will be safe if they leave. Both sides must abide by their obligations under international humanitarian law and do all they can to protect civilians. This includes giving international humanitarian agencies unimpeded access to those affected by the fighting so that they can deliver adequate supplies of assistance. France and Britain, as two members of the Security Council, continue to support the active engagement by the UN and by other members of the international community on this urgent issue.'

Source: Government of France; Government of the United Kingdom

Date: 15 Apr 2009

Instead of "Sinhala" and "Tamil" when will we celebrate "Our Sri lankan" New Year?

by Capt. Elmo Jayawardena

The holidays are over and the Kavun Kokis smell is postponed for another year. We inherit again the usual "drudgery reality" of day to day life. The domestics who went home to bust their earnings in fun and frolic have now returned, broke as the Ten Commandments.

No more need for the madam to organise "take away" pseudo Chinese and the man who drove the Honda Civic is relieved, he doesn't have to feed the dog and sweep and collect the garbage anymore. Great, let's get ready for the next event, the elections are coming and the posters are up of the venerated.

There will be a lot to celebrate when the promises are kept and the land will flow with kiri and pani and we will cheer the saints as they go marching in to power offices. Nothing new, we've believed the mythology before.

Yes, the avurudu theme is over. The thelgana velava has been respected and the ganu denu notes exchanged, both the Sinhala and Tamil people kept intact their age old identical traditions and are now ready to begin another era hoping for the silver lines of life to reappear which will mainly be linked to a beautiful word called PEACE.

Anadapuram saw many a veteran of the LTTE fall along with the "girls and boys" they led. Whether they had a "cause" or died for "no cause" is a matter of perception. Were their sacrifices sterile and changed nothing? Then it is sadness at its best. Theepan, Nagesh and Gaddafi were killed in battle and so did those of the women's brigades, Vidhusa, Durga and Mohanaa.

Maybe on a fairer day the ladies would have made the "Hi" magazine on a winner's ticket instead of being buried in the Vanni in nameless graves. Or Theepan dressed in pin striped Savile Row may have driven a Pajero along parliament road, that too would have been possible. If only things were different, but sadly they are not. The two pilots who flew the last failed mission and died would have been good at their trade, flying little aeroplanes in the night and navigating at tree top level is no easy task. Unfortunately for them, theirs was a wrong call of the toss.

The fact remains that all who died for the Eelam cause were part of a revolution they believed and revolutions are mostly evaluated by the results they achieve. You either win or die. Revolutionary romanticism lost flavour after the days of Mao's Long march and Castro's Sierra Maestra. Mao and Fidel were victorious and became world leaders. It is always a champion's parade; the vanquished usually gets blamed, scorned and forgotten.

The North is bleeding and the South is bleeding, both have bled for years with many a failed attempt to bandage the wounds. The tragedies of war had straddled everyone and spared none. No less sad by any means for either side and no easy task to rebuild lives connected to those who were bombed or needlessly destroyed in battle uniform or worse, in trains and buses where the totally innocent paid high prices for a conflict they hardly knew anything about.

The conductor in Butthala walks in crutches and the visually handicapped Jinadasa still cries for his daughter who died in the Fort Railway station blast. Priyantha is paralised, only guilt, being seated in a bus that blew up in Katubedde.

These stories I know and there are hundreds more. Then there's the blackened ruins of Mankulam or the still smouldering fires of Kilinochchi where amidst the rubble the remnants of a broken doll or a cheap plastic toy car without wheels could be found, maybe a torn photograph of family that managed to get to Toronto.

The innocent were always present and became the expendable, they did not vote for the war, just suffered the tragedy and the trauma mostly choice less, whichever way you count.

"It is them or us" is an unarguable equation and what we are left with today is the incredible arithmetic of the missing, the maimed, the displaced and the dead.

Maybe the year 2010 would change things and military success will gradually convert to a political settlement and result in social compatibility where the two war waging fractions will find solutions of peace. Maybe then I can drive down Buller's road and my friend Mani (I will write about him another day) who is making omelettes at the Movenpick in Zurich can go home to visit his aging parents in Velvatathurai.

And when the sun climbs again next year through the vernal equinox and the avurudu time begins for the traditions to be respected and followed, I like to think it will not be a Sinhala and Tamil matter anymore, but a Sri Lankan celebration where we all can proudly call OUR NEW YEAR.

It is time we dreamt of such and lifted at least our little fingers in support of reconciliation. Maybe we can share a thelgana ceremony and do ganu denu across racial separations and light a Sinhala, Tamil Muslim wick of a lamp for prosperity and call ourselves one nation.

When the Air force Mig jets gather cobwebs in the Katunayaka hangers and the ones who wore ammunition belts around their necks return to their homes to their loved ones, wouldn't it be a beautiful day; something sacred to hope for, something worth the wait.

The Tamil diaspora: solidarities and realities

by Nirmala Rajasingam

The Sri Lankan Tamil community may not be the largest of the diaspora communities represented in London or other such greatly diverse cities around the world, but the numbers and conviction they have mobilised in recent days to highlight the plight of their brethren at home have been exceptional. The demonstrations by Tamils in the centres of London, Toronto and other cities have been spectacular, defiant and spirited displays of grief and anger: men, women, and many young people have gathered with colourful flags and banners, staged sit-ins, and chanted slogans, while several of their number have promised to fast unto death.

Their slogans are simple: "Genocide!", "Pirapaharan is our leader!", and "We want Tamil Eelam!". These references to the leader of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) and the aspiration to an independent state in northern Sri Lanka are accompanied by the touting of images of this figure and the waving of flags showing the Tiger emblem. Several parliamentarians in Britain and Canada have voiced support for the demonstrators.

The humanitarian situation in parts of northern Sri Lanka - especially in the narrow strip of land around Mullaitivu - is indeed desperate, as the Sri Lankan army's advances have continued and as they lay siege to LTTE redoubts where approximately 100,000 civilians are confined - the latest stage of a long war that has persisted since 1983 (see "Sri Lanka's displaced: the political vice", 8 April 2009).

The cries of genocide have risen with the intensification of the military campaign and a sharp turn for the worse in the fortunes of the Tamil Tigers. They have spread too beyond the official Tiger propaganda stream (radio, TV and newspapers); the blood-splattered images and messages have inundated cyberspace: via Facebook and YouTube and other cyberspace outlets, via a torrent of emails, the drenching claim is simple, direct and frightening: genocide. This campaign has mobilised even those who had never been politically involved before.

The sorrows of commitment

The genocide alert is at heart about the trapped civilians in Mullaitivu. But the truth about the horrific circumstances in which civilians are stranded there is not stated in full. They are caught between two armies, each of which seeks to use them as pawns in this war. The government forces have shown no inhibition in bombing and shelling indiscriminately into crowded civilian areas, schools and hospitals as long as their military objective of crushing the Tigers is achieved. But the civilians are dying not only as a result of such bombardments or in crossfire; for credible reports indicate that Tigers are not allowing civilians to move out of the line of fire and escape to government-controlled areas, and may be going further to prevent attempts to flee.

It has long been established that many children have been forcibly recruited into the ranks of the Tigers, and that such cadres are forewarned that their families would be wiped out if they surrender. Now, as the Tigers' military situation becomes more and more desperate, the logic of their own anti-civilian approach is apparent: for the Tamil civilian presence now provides the only chance of ensuring the Tiger leadership's survival.

It is striking, however, that in all the demonstrations not a single cry, slogan or placard seems to demand that the Tigers should let the civilians go or cease their own assaults on them. The silence of the diaspora community on this issue is deafening. The general support for the Tamils' cause has in the public arena collapsed into one soundbite. There is no recognition in these demonstrations of the fact that the military objectives of the LTTE are no longer reconcilable with the safety of the trapped civilians. There is a disjunction between propaganda and reality here that reflects the way the logic of Tamil Tiger propaganda has become internalised by much of the diaspora. This does nothing to help Sri Lankan Tamils.

Such spectacular demonstrations have the potential to send a powerful message to the international community about the true nature of the predicament of the trapped civilians. Why then do the demonstrators fail to highlight this. Why have they not also raised their voices against Tiger atrocities as well as the government's? Why do they elide the horrifying predicament of the civilians with the political interest of the Tigers?

What makes these questions even more pertinent is that the huge demonstrations in the west that endorse the LTTE are in direct opposition to the waning popular support for the LTTE amongst Tamils in Sri Lanka itself. The eastern region of Sri Lanka where many Tamils live - and which has lost far more of its young people and children in this war than any other Tamil region - has largely abandoned support for an independent state. The Jaffna peninsula in the north has been largely uninvolved for more than a decade or so in the separatist cause; there, the vast majority of civilians have submitted to uneasy cohabitation with the army simply because amid available options, they prefer an absence of war. The LTTE's cynical and callous use of civilians for its war effort has also over the years undermined its status within the Tamil population in Sri Lanka.

There are other considerations absent from the demonstrators' concerns. The escalating military campaigns have placed great pressure on civilians for months, yet there have been no demonstrations to highlight the plight of those commandeered to retreat and follow the Tigers in the wake of government army advances - for example, those from the Mannar area in the western part of the northern province, who had to follow the trail of the Tiger retreat all the way across the Vanni jungles to their current pocket on the eastern coast of the Vanni. Many of these civilians had been corralled out of Jaffna at gunpoint by the LTTE in 1995 during the first big and enforced Pol-Pot-style exodus.

The frenzied demonstrations have begun only when the military defeat of the LTTE appears a real prospect. Again, the confusion between humanitarian protest and political solidarity with the LTTE is evident. But this still leaves open the question: what explains the widespread support that the LTTE enjoys in the diaspora despite its declining fortunes in Sri Lanka, and the atrocities it commits against ordinary Tamil people there?

The political war

The answer to this question lies in part in general conditions experienced by the Sri Lankan Tamil diaspora community, and in part in the particular role of the LTTE in establishing its political dominance within it.

The Tamils in the west have like many other migrant communities from the global south faced racist discrimination, exclusion, social isolation and economic deprivation. Their search for membership of and integration with "host" societies is, even in the best of circumstances, difficult. The result is that Tamil communities often lead culturally and socially a ghettoised life in which they - in an attempt to preserve "Tamil cultural and social heritage" in these new environs - construct anew a self-conscious way of "being Tamil" or of "living as Tamil". This has meant the mushrooming of Tamil cultural organisations, self-help groups, Tamil schools, businesses and temples. This pattern is in itself not an unusual phenomenon with migrant communities. But with the Tamils, there is an unusual twist.

The LTTE in the course of its military and political campaign decimated all other political opinion within the Tamil polity in Sri Lanka, in order to establish itself as the "sole representative" of the Tamil people. At the same time, it began to flex its muscles within the Tamil community in the west. Its representatives moved in on community groups, temples, Tamil schools and businesses and took control of many of them. In time its stranglehold over the diaspora communities - including through methods of intimidation, assault, and threats to families in Sri Lanka - became an accomplished fact. Paris and Toronto were prime examples of the phenomenon, where unquestioning compliance was demanded and wrought.

The intimidation of independent media outlets is a key arm of this strategy. The LTTE has for a generation sought to dominate the "Tamil narrative" - martial, dogmatic, missionary, zealous, leader-fixated - with many tales of military valour, of brave conquests against a marauding Sri Lankan army, of resolute "final wars", of "operation motherland redemptions". To a great extent it has succeeded.

The Tiger lobbyists, fundraisers and propagandists in the diaspora are relentless in attempting to enforce submission to this narrative and its command performances. Even for events such as "martyrs' day" celebrations or the funeral of the LTTE ideologist Anton Balasingam, thousands are mobilised and bussed in. Every tragic event is turned into a fundraising opportunity.

Also on Sri Lanka in openDemocracy:

Alan Keenan, "Sri Lanka's election choice" (17 November 2005)

Alan Keenan, "Sri Lanka: between peace and war" (14 May 2006)

Meenakshi Ganguly, "Sri Lanka: time to act" (10 September 2006)

Nira Wickramasinghe, "Sri Lanka: the politics of purity" (17 November 2006)

Irfan Husain, "Sri Lanka: giving war a chance" (8 February 2007)

Nira Wickramasinghe, "Multiculturalism: a view from Sri Lanka" (30 May 2007)

Sumantra Bose, "Sri Lanka's stalemated conflict" (12 June 2007)

Meenakshi Ganguly, "Sri Lanka under siege" (30 January 2009)

Meenakshi Ganguly, "Sri Lanka's displaced: the political vice" (8 April 2009) A whole class of Tiger operatives has become affluent through being involved in the Eelam enterprise. Many have vested interests in its continued mobilisation, independent of the political situation or tragedies involving civilians. Moreover, the Tamil diaspora also sports a financially powerful and influential class of educated professionals and businesspeople who are also in many ways implicated in the Eelam roadshow and help to buttress it for social and other reasons.

The diaspora gaze

The outcome of this lengthy process of political manipulation is that the vast majority of Tamil homes in the diaspora are exposed to "Tamil" news that is heavily weighted towards LTTE propaganda - and it is a perspective that feeds into news about the rest of the world, not just Sri Lanka, as well. The LTTE channels provide a daily diet of culture and politics: everything is seen though the Tiger lens, including the international community's attitude to the conflict in Sri Lanka and to the Tigers.

The diaspora Tamil community has been acculturated to the LTTE message for a good part of two decades. But the message is the work of more than intimidation; its potency draws on and appeals to that aspect of life in exile which makes meaningful and satisfying the sense of abstract belonging to a homeland - especially if there is no tangible possibility of return in the immediate future. A "captive" audience that lives to a great degree in its own social and cultural bubble, determined to hold fast to the "Tamil culture" finds the mythical call for an independent Tamil state all the more attractive.

In this way the enterprise of preserving Tamil culture and Tamil way of living is wedded to the political quest for the independent state. At a moment when Tamil nationalism of the strident and dogmatic - indeed totalitarian - kind espoused by the LTTE is beginning to lose its flavour with Tamils in Sri Lanka, it is very much alive in the diaspora; and the Tigers are determined to use the serious military setbacks that they have experienced to entrench it further.

When in Sri Lanka itself the Tigers peddle the dream of an independent state of Tamil Eelam, many people recall aspects of the LTTE's own record: the 1995 exodus, the eviction of Muslims, abductions of their children, the waste of lives, the internal and internecine killings, the fanatical hero-worship. Their tangible experiences are evidence that the Tigers' brand of uncompromising politics leads to suffering and death. The result is increasing questioning and dissent - including about Sri Lanka's political future, the interests of the Tamils and how a sustainable and democratic future can be built after decades of war.

For diaspora Tamils living far removed from the day-to-day problems of living with the Tigers in battle, it is much easier to support the LTTE's zero-sum solution.

For the Tiger lobby and their its large bank of support - as well as for many young diaspora Tamils whose compassion and concern is as yet unmatched by independent sources of information and argument on events in Sri Lanka - the complex questions of democratisation, demilitarisation, cohabitation with other communities and the search for political settlement of the conflict appear to be immaterial. The suffering of civilians only helps to further reinforce the "imaginary" of an independent state of Tamil Eelam as the only solution. The destructive logic of the Tiger cause is to annihilate political reason and progress in favour of a totalitarian fantasy of power and control. Those who dream from afar have a responsibility to think harder, to look deeper, and to break through to reality. [courtesy: Open Democracy]

Mexico refuses to give legitimacy to the LTTE

by Dushy Ranetunge in London

Ambassador Claude Heller, the Permanent Representative of Mexico to the United Nations has accused Sri Lanka of inaccuracies in its statements emanating from the Foreign Ministry in Colombo.

The statement was issued by Colombo, after a meeting between Foreign Secretary Palitha Kohona and Juan Manuel Gómez Robledo, the Mexican Vice-Minister for Multilateral Affairs and Human Rights.

It had stated that Mexico had given assurances that Sri Lanka will be kept off the Security Council agenda this month and also drawing an analogy between the conflicts in Chiapas and Sri Lanka.

MXTC0417.jpg

[The sign states that this residential collective "The Isla Mujeres Collective adheres to the Sixth Declaration and The Other Campaign of the EZLN [the Zapatistas]."-pic:dharmabum90]

When questioned this week, Heller dismissed the statement by the Sri Lankan foreign ministry as being inaccurate.

The Sri Lankan foreign ministry responded on Wednesday stating that it stands by its statement.

Chiapas is one of Mexico?s poorest and southern most states and there was an insurrection in the state by the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional, EZLN). It was against the marginalisation of the indigenous population and they demanded social cultural and land rights. The group gets its inspiration from Emiliano Zapata, Che Guevara and Commandante Marcos.

According to the CIA factbook 2007, there are 5,500 to 10,000 internally displaced because of the conflict. The number of casualties of the entire conflict is estimated at less than 200, compared to 70,000 in the present Sri Lankan conflict.

As an analogy, it?s clearly a poor one.

Ambassador Claude Heller has had to defend Mexico against various allegations of abuse during his long diplomatic career and raising the issue of Chiapas would have placed him on the defensive.

Mexico holds the office of the President of the UN Security Council during the month of April and it passes to Turkey for the month of May. So, Mexico has just over a week remaining to place Sri Lanka on the agenda.

Ambassador Claude Heller is under severe pressure from NGO?s and Tamil lobbyists, who are carrying out an orchestrated campaign in the UN and in Washington to put Sri Lanka on the Security Council agenda.

There is also speculation that Mexico may be under pressure by the United States.

But then Heller is known to have chastised the United States as well. In 2003, Claude Heller who was even at that time the Mexican Ambassador to the UN, chastised the US for constantly insisting on a resolution against Cuba, to the exclusion of all other issues more appropriately brought before the Commission. It wasn't that Heller was saying Cuba is perfect, but simply that the UN HRC was not set up to analyze the human rights situation in each and every country in the world. It's purpose, he noted, was to denounce and attempt to bring about changes in those countries where there existed massive, systematic, gross violations of human rights. And Cuba, whatever its shortcomings, simply never fit that category.

Heller may have also been defending Mexico?s South and Central American interests.

However, this position is consistent with Hellers assertion this week that "we were clear, in the case of Sri Lanka, there is a concern, there is a 'responsibility to protect' the population that are in very difficult situation,".

Mexico will work to assure humanitarian assistance to population, the Ambassador further said.

Despite what the UN counts as 100,000 civilians still trapped between the Sri Lankan army and the Tamil Tiger rebels and an internal UN estimate of several thousand civilian casualties, Sri Lanka did not formally appear on the Council?s program of work for April.

While the Security Council is clearly concerned about the predicament of the civilians in the Vanni and the Human Rights situation in Sri Lanka, it is aware that taking up the issue will only prolong the suffering of the civilians in the Vanni, by giving hope and a degree of legitimacy to the LTTE.

The UN Security Council holds the LTTE, who are using the civilians as human shields, responsible for the predicament of the civilians. It wants the civilians? released/liberated and the LTTE out of the equation so that the international community can concentrate on the post conflict scenario.

The tens of thousands of Tamil civilians who have been protesting around the world waving LTTE flags have not done any favours to the LTTE. The Security Council sees the LTTE for what they are, terrorists, and those who are waving the Tiger flags, lobbying and protesting as sympathisers of a proscribed organisation.

April 16, 2009

Sri Lankan Muslims and the politics of identity - I

by Izeth Hussain

part one

This article is an extended version of a short address that I made at the recent launch of the Sailan Muslim website (www.sailanmuslim.com), in which my focus was on the politics of identity. As this article has the same focus I will not be going into the rationale and objectives of the new Muslim website except to the extent that they have a relevance to the politics of identity.

When I and a group of my Muslim friends hit on the idea several months ago of starting a new Muslim website, we were troubled – I must say that we were deeply troubled – by the fact that in doing so we would be engaging in the politics of identity. By that is meant a politics intended to serve group interests.

SLMTC0416.jpg

[UK High Commissioner H.E. Dr. Peter Hayes speaking to a group of Muslim students in Batticaloa-Jan 2009]

There is nothing inherently wrong about that in pluralist multicultural countries such as Sri Lanka. However, it has been found in practice that there is an almost irresistible drive in identity politics to make group interests predominate over every other interest, including the national interest, and that of course can be expected to lead to misunderstanding, tension, rivalry, and also conflict, as is attested by the tragic history of Sri Lanka in recent decades.

I and my Muslim friends were acutely aware of those facts. But we continued also to be acutely aware of the major rationale for our wanting to establish a new Muslim website – namely, the continuing failure of the Muslim politicians to properly represent the Muslims. That may not have mattered at one time when all that was needed to satisfy the Muslims was to meet their religious needs and business interests.

But with the spread of mass education, younger generations of Muslims are increasingly involved in the struggle for scarce resources. In this situation, a continuing failure to properly represent the Muslims will almost inevitably lead to a radicalization of Muslim politics, the incipient signs of which in the Eastern Province have troubled many of us for some years.

But there is also a broader reason for our engaging in identity politics by establishing this website. Our minorities do not unequivocally accept that our two major parties are authentic national parties, after the manner for instance of the Indian National Congress. They are seen, rightly or wrongly, as serving primarily the interests of the majority ethnic group – which is a reason why the Muslim members of those parties play a marginalized role in them and cannot adequately represent the Muslims.

The Sri Lankan failure to come up with an authentic national party should really be seen in an international perspective, which suggests that identity politics are in the process of becoming predominant practically all over the world.

In the last century the great black American ideologue W. E. B. Dubois wrote that the greatest problem of the twentieth century would be the colour line. Most historians would probably disagree, but a plausible case can be made out for that notion if we recognize that Hitler waged the Second World War to establish a white Aryan domination over the globe, and thereafter the coloured peoples of the world engaged in a successful struggle to assert their independence.

Some months ago President Obama was reported to have said that the greatest problem of this century would be that of the Other, evidently having in mind ethnic problems that cut across the colour line. Some time ago the Marxist economic historian Eric Hobsbawm wrote that the only kind of politics we are coming to have are identity politics in which group interests predominate over everything else.

I cannot go into much detail in this article to substantiate that view. I will mention only that in Britain which seemed to be a solidly integrated society the drive for Scottish and Welsh autonomy has proved to be irresistible, and India where secularism in politics seemed so well entrenched has witnessed the Hindutva upsurge.

I cannot of course explore in this article the reasons why identity politics have come to acquire such salience in the contemporary world. The point I want to emphasize is that that salience makes it understandable that a group of SL Muslims decided to establish a Muslim website while at the same time being deeply troubled about its implications. In the course of our discussions we came to realize that the way to evade the possible negative consequences of identity politics is to recognize as the legitimate interests of the group, namely the Sri Lankan Muslim ethnic group, only those interests that are compatible with the interests of the Sri Lankan nation.

This would mean, for instance, that the SL Muslims refrain from kicking up a row over the Kashmir problem because the interests of the Sri Lankan nation require that we maintain the friendliest possible relations with India.

The argument that I have been developing above implies certain facts about identity. People in the contemporary world tend to have multiple identities. Every SL Muslim, for instance, has at least two identities, as he is conscious of being a Muslim and at the same time of being a Sri Lankan. It is only on the basis of recognition of this dual identity that the legitimate interests of the SL Muslims can be secured and promoted, as obviously that will not be possible in opposition to the interests of the SL nation.

We have accordingly called the new website Sailan Muslim – Sailan being the ancient Muslim name for Sri Lanka – to remind ourselves of our inescapable dual identity. Also we have adopted the motto Diversity and Inclusiveness to give value to the existence of diverse ethnic groups and at the same time to their reaching out to a sense of unity with other ethnic groups. A politics of identity developed on this basis can lead to a notable contribution to the nation-building process in Sri Lanka – a desperate necessity as shown by our ethnic civil war. [to be continued]

Firm action against terrorism must be accompanied by political reform

by Rajiva Wijesinha

The decision of the government to declare a ceasefire over the New Year period has met with they type of reaction that suggests how difficult it is to achieve peace when so many influential and noisy international actors are full of destructive preconceptions.

The main purpose of the ceasefire is to allow people to leave, which is what the so called international community has been requesting. Ignoring the fact that several months ago we suggested to these people that they concentrate their energies on ensuring freedom for the Tamils trapped by the LTTE, it was only a few months ago that they suddenly, when the defeat of the LTTE seemed inevitable, registered the plight of the civilians.

Even so they did not make any categorical demands, but played into the LTTEhands by suggesting that there were reasons these people might not want to leave the arms of the Tigers.

That claim was belied by the thousands who did walk out, thirty five thousand in February. Then the efforts of the Tigers to stop them became more brutal, the shootings more public, a suicide bomb, land mines. The flood stopped, and once again the so called international community found ways of reasserting a balance, instead of categorically condemning the Tigers and demanding that they free our people.

Then in March the people again spoke for themselves, and another exodus commenced, this time of twenty five thousand, some appearing in our midst with the wounds inflicted on them by the Tigers as they tried to flee. These were the lucky ones. They spoke of their loved ones being forced back or killed. But very little of this was noted by the international community. Their silence enabled the LTTE to engage in even more brutal repression, including the building up of a wall to pen in those who sought to cross the lagoon. No talk though of concentration camps from agencies such as Human Rights Watch or newspapers such as the London Times when this happened.

Instead we had, from Britain in particular, egged on by amoral MPs, demands for a ceasefire. Though there was a pretence that this was to help the trapped civilians to escape, the aims of the British were as usual shrouded in ambiguity, and those who wanted what they called a permanent ceasefire were able to make the running.

In the process the rationale for a pause in fighting was lost. The Sri Lankan forces in any case did not need to be told to pause with regard to shooting at escaping civilians, since at no time has it even been alleged that this has happened. Sixty five thousand civilians have got away to the safety of government controlled territory, many braving LTTE violence to flee, and at no time has there been any suggestion that, even by accident, firing by the Sri Lankan forces has harmed them.

Still, if only to make the situation clear, there have been requests by those who understand the situation better than those who echo the demands of terrorists that there should be a definite pause in the fighting. The Indian Foreign Secretary made such a request earlier, and this was echoed by Prof Walter Kalin, the Special Representative of the United Nations Secretary General on the Human Rights of Internally Displaced Persons. The latter indeed, following his visit to Sri Lanka, said ‘I believe that a series of humanitarian pauses must be initiated immediately to allow civilians to leave and humanitarian actors to provide life-saving relief to the remaining population.’

Prof Kalin’s use of the phrase ‘a series of humanitarian pauses’ makes clear his understanding of the problem the Sri Lankan government faces, in trying to rescue its citizens who are now trapped by terrorists. The purpose of the pause is to free the civilians, but it is possible that the Tigers will use such a pause to entrench their control more deeply, to build up higher walls, to launch a witch hunt against those seeking to escape, to recruit more indiscriminately. It is therefore essential, if such pauses are to continue, to make sure that they achieve their purpose, not the opposite.

That is why it makes sense to have a brief pause, to see whether the purpose is achieved. Thus far it has not been, which suggests the Tigers will be intransigent. In such a context, which is essentially a hostage situation, the Americans have shown what should be done, by their dramatic rescue of the ship’s captain taken hostage by Somali pirates. But the so called international community will continue to seek excuses for the Tigers, without standing by its original rationale as to the need for a pause, namely that it should be to ensure the release of the civilians.

Interestingly the BBC, perhaps not deliberately, indicated some sort of bias in its coverage of the situation, which is of a piece with the British government’s ambiguity as to whether it wanted a ceasefire or a humanitarian pause. Without much reference to the Sri Lankan government or supporters of the government, except for a brief interview with the Foreign Minister in Colombo, it sought the views of Tamils demonstrating against the government and also Robert Evans, the rascal who seems to have been instrumental in preventing European MPs from visiting the Eastern Province last year.

It did interview Sir John Holmes, but what he said was not repeated satisfactorily, with Evans replacing him. And then, when his remarks were reported, they were twisted in that, whereas he had clearly put the blame on the LTTE for not letting people out, the BBC said that the people might not be willing to leave. In short, the original purpose of the pause will now be ignored, and the so called international community will renew its call for an actual ceasefire, a ceasefire that the Tigers seek desperately in order to renew their strength.

Such indulgence would be dangerous. The Tamil people have suffered enough and, while every effort should be made, in accordance with the latest request by a senior UN official, to seek safe egress for the civilians, the Sri Lankan government cannot allow the possibility of terrorism being resurrected. At the same time, firm action against terrorists should be accompanied by political reform that encompasses all Tamil groups that reject terrorism.

In this context it is to be hoped that democratic elements in the TNA will finally throw off the yoke that they allowed themselves to be placed under during the ceasefire period. But, whether they come in or not, the government should proceed with a political solution that will enable it not only to destroy terrorism but to get rid too of the possible breeding grounds of terror.

(Rajiva Wijesinha is secretary to ministry of disaster management and human rights and Secretary General ,Secretariat for Coordinating the Peace Process)

Global Center for the Responsibility to Protect urges UN Security Council action in Sri Lanka

GCR2TC0417.jpgOpen Letter to the Security Council on the situation in Sri Lanka

The situation in Sri Lanka has reached a point of extreme urgency. With the government having resumed its military offensive after a two-day pause, the approximately 100,000 civilians trapped between the army and the rebel force, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), are now at grave risk of mass atrocities. The LTTE continues to shoot at non-combatants who try to leave and to use them as human shields, as a result few civilians were able to leave during the brief lull in fighting. Government forces, which have engaged in intense shelling and aerial bombardment both of the combat area and of an adjacent “no-fire zone,” are believed to be preparing a final assault. John Holmes, the UN Emergency Relief Coordinator, has stated that “a bloodbath . . . seems an increasingly real possibility.”

We are writing to you as members of the Security Council because we believe that the very grave risk of mass atrocities compels the international community, and the Security Council specifically, to take measures to protect civilians, as states pledged to do when they adopted the “responsibility to protect” at the UN World Summit in 2005.

At the core of this norm is the obligation to act preventively to protect peoples from genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity and ethnic cleansing, rather than waiting until atrocities have already occurred, as states have too often done in the past. There can be little doubt about either the magnitude, or the imminence, of the peril civilians now face in Sri Lanka. Navi Pillay, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, has stated that casualties may reach “catastrophic levels” if the fighting is not stopped.

We recognize that in the face of a ruthless insurgency the government of Sri Lanka has not only the right but the responsibility to protect its people. But states engaged in armed combat do not have the right to perpetrate atrocities against civilians; nor does the cruelty of an armed opponent absolve states of the responsibility to protect citizens from atrocities committed in the course of such a war.

We recognize as well that the current threat of mass atrocities arises at least as much from the behavior of the LTTE as it does from the Sri Lankan army. Nevertheless, the state has the sovereign obligation to protect its own people; and when, according to the terms of the World Summit Document, a state is “manifestly failing” to do so, the international community is obliged to act. While we view the two-day pause observed by the government of Sri Lanka as a preventive act in the spirit of the responsibility to protect, the army states that it has now returned to “normal operations.” The resumption of hostilities directed indiscriminately at military and civilian objects constitutes manifest failure both by the state and by the LTTE.

There is widespread agreement about what must be done immediately: The LTTE must allow those civilians who wish to leave to do so; in return, the government of Sri Lanka must agree to observe a more extensive ceasefire, guarantee the safety of those civilians and treat them according to international standards governing internally displaced peoples. Donors and others with close ties to the government of Sri Lanka must press for action, as must those with influence over the LTTE.

However, it is the Security Council, according to the terms of the 2005 agreement, which must authorize “timely and decisive measures” to prevent or halt mass atrocities. The Council must be prepared to bluntly characterize the violence in Sri Lanka as mass atrocity crimes; to demand that the government of Sri Lanka grant access to the conflict zone to humanitarian groups and to the media, both of whom it has barred until now; to dispatch a special envoy to the region, and/or to consider the imposition of sanctions. And ultimately, it must help facilitate a durable political solution to the fighting.

Signed:

Jan Egeland, Director, Norwegian Institute of International Affairs, former UN Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs, and member of the International Advisory Board, Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect

Gareth Evans, President of the International Crisis Group, former Australian Foreign Minister, and Co-Chair of the International Advisory Board, Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect

Juan Méndez, President, International Center for Transitional Justice, former UN Secretary-General’s Special Adviser on the Prevention of Genocide, and member of the International Advisory Board, Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect

Mohamed Sahnoun, President, Initiatives of Change-International, former Special Adviser to the UN Secretary-General, and Co-Chair, International Advisory Board, Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect

Monica Serrano, Executive Director, Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect

Ramesh Thakur, Founding Director of Balsillie School of International Affairs, Distinguished Fellow, The Centre for International Governance Innovation in Waterloo, Professor of Political Science at the University of Waterloo in Canada, and the member of the International Advisory Board, Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect

Thomas G. Weiss, Director of the Ralph Bunche Institute for International Studies, and member of the International Advisory Board, Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect

Video: Inside the "safe" zone

Channel 4 News has obtained footage from inside the "safe" zone which shows what is said to be the aftermath of an artillery attack on people queuing for milk and food.

http://www.channel4.com/

Some of the images in this report are distressing.

After months of heavy fighting, government troops are now surrounding the rebels in a tiny strip of north eastern Sri Lanka, inside a specially designated zone where thousands of civilians are sheltering.

Tamil Tiger reports claim scores of people were killed and injured in the strike eight days ago, many of them children

External intervention: How to avoid a re-play of events in 1987

by Dayan Jayatilleke

Will this Sinhala and Tamil New Year be the gateway to a new period of Sri Lanka’s history?

Will it be better or worse than what has gone on so far?

Or will there be no change and will the country still remain in the same stage of history that we have been in all these dozens of Aluth Avurudu celebrations?

Or will a new cycle of the old conflict begin with this Avurudu?

PTC0416.jpg

[Medical staff from India assist an injured ethnic Tamil man at the Pulmudai temporary hospital in Trincomalee, about 257 km (160 miles) east of Colombo, April 3, 2009-Reuters pic via Yahoo! News]

The answer depends on how we comprehend this period we are living through, the moment in which the Aluth Avurudu has taken place. It is characterized by three factors or potentialities:

I. Prabhakaran’s efforts to play for time until the Indian election season puts irresistible pressure on Delhi and thereby on Sri Lanka.

II. The uncoiling of the full mobilizing, lobbying and electoral capacity, deriving from the sheer demographic weight and mass of the overseas Tamil collectivity.

II. The combination of factors I and II, which have the potential to bring into alignment India and the US, in a condominium or pincer, which puts irresistible pressure on Sri Lanka.

In short a repetition or more accurately a variant of 1987. Sri Lanka cannot afford such a return of contemporary history.

The longer we have to hold back (Tamil Nadu elections end on May 13), the more time Prabhakaran has to dig in and make the eventual battles more expensive for our troops, slip his cadre through our defenses, and arrange his own escape. If Prabhakaran, his successors and the LTTE leadership survive, the country will be plagued by war for the next several generations, culminating possibly in the setting up of a Tamil Elam.

Simultaneously, the sense of outraged Southern nationalism will consume the status quo, all which is identified or identifiable with the social structural and systemic flaws that thwarted final victory. This being the case, there is only one way to prevent such an outcome and it is most certainly not the “Ostrich Option” of ignoring external pressures. We have to use smart power to support our hard power. We have to engage in a trade off, a grand bargain, and fast. This grand bargain would be one in which we give New Delhi something to stave off Tamil Nadu pressure. By doing so, we would keep Delhi on our side as we finish off the LTTE. This trade off would be a straightforward swap: a solemn commitment at the highest political level to a roadmap and time frame for the full implementation of the 13th Amendment.

My suggestion is a reverse version of the events of 1987 in order to pre-empt a re-run of the events of 1987. In 1987, India set a flotilla of small boats with the flag of the Indian Red Cross. We arrogantly turned them back, only to fall into the trap set for us. The turning back of the Red Cross boats triggered the airdrop, which we had no capacity to resist. Had we attempted to do so, we would have incurred severe military losses within a short time frame. The next link in this chain of events was the signing of the Indo-Lanka accord, followed by the Southern civil war.

What if the Indo-Lanka accord, with necessary modifications, had been signed before the Vadamaarachchi Operation? We would have been able to proceed with our military drive to defeat the Tigers. The evidence is that the IPKF took up from where we left off and tried to enforce the Accord and the 13th Amendment. Similarly, had we agreed to the Parthasarthy proposals or promptly signed off the Chidambaram proposals of December 1986 (the real opposition to those came from the Tamil side), we could have proceeded with our military campaign against the Tigers. Strategy and tactics apart, there are intrinsic reasons as to why Sri Lanka should commit itself sincerely to the full and speedy implementation of the 13th Amendment. It is a simple matter of identity, autonomy and adequate space.

This is true not only of ethnic communities but also of individuals. This is the basic case for devolution. It is not a question of a Tamil being elected Chief Minister. It is a question of devolving an adequate number of powers and functions to the people of those areas. No peoples like to be policed, patrolled, garrisoned and ruled by those of a different ethnicity and religion who do not speak their language. No one likes their areas of habitation to be dominated by others. This is why a measure of self-rule is needed, simply to make the people of certain areas feel stakeholders of the state, and to make governance secure. Let there be no mistake: governance and ruler-ship can be sustained only by consent of the governed. If those governed see no congruence between themselves and those doing the governing, they will resist and rebel, in one way or another.

The case for devolution is weaker if the state treats all communities – ethno logistic and religious as equals. This is so in republican France. Indonesia’s population is over 90% Muslim (it has the largest Muslim population in the world) but it is a secular state. This is not so in Sri Lanka. But that doesn’t mean that those who are not of the dominant culture wish to live on the terms of that culture, which in effect means to live under it. It is in such situations that peoples require their own space where they are free from the linguistic and cul